Wednesday, September 27, 2023



    The princely state of Hyderabad was ruled by Asaf Jahi Nawab until 1948. The state was administratively divided into Khalsa and Gairkhalsa areas. While Khalsa was under the direct rule of Nawab, the Gairkhalsa area was ruled through Zamindars, Jagirdars and Deshmukhs. It consisted of five Maratha speaking districts, three Kannada speaking districts and eight Telugu speaking districts. The total population was 15 million, out of which the Telugu people were about 10 million.
    Telangana was a Telugu-speaking region in the Hyderabad state. It was ruled by a feudal aristocracy. Jagirdar, Deshmukh and tenancy systems, i.e., the feudal exploitation and oppression were in vogue. The people of Telangana lived a life of slavery. ‘Huzur, here is your slave; let me touch your feet’, are the expressions of the common man while addressing the feudal landlords which reflected their worst and pathetic state and the kind of oppression they experienced. While half of the land in Telangana was owned by the Nizam Nawab, 50 per cent of the remaining half was in the hands of big landlords. Apart from the rich, middle and small peasants, 50 per cent of the total population were landless people. The kind of slavery these people experienced is beyond the reach of the imagination of our generation.
    Hyderabad state was composed of three areas, namely, Marathi, Kannada and Telugu-speaking people. These areas were groaning under the iron feet of Nizam’s autocracy. Urdu was the official language in all the three areas. Telugu, Kannada and Marathi languages were suppressed. There were no schools to impart education in these languages.
    Before 1940, there were no mass organisations in the real sense of the term that stood for the minimum rights. Not even a reformist national movement was there as it existed in the British ruled areas. In 1940, there existed an organisation called “Andhra Mahasabha” with some reformist aims like the development of Telugu language, education and libraries. In course of time, the forces with progressive, national and socialist ideas had emerged in Telangana. The revolutionary forces that emerged from the students have joined them. As a result, the early communist units have come up and started their activities.
    Though there was a ban on the party, in the midst of repressive condition, the communists carried on their work through mass organisations. They built up a militant workers movement. They had decided to work among the peasants through Andhra Mahasabha which was already working with many limitations. It was just passing resolutions with appeal to implement laws and provide opportunities for the development of Telugu language. It was mobilising the progressive forces through its annual conferences. Because of its reformist and rightist orientation, its activities had their own limitations and could not be taken to the vast masses of people.
    Communist Party escalated its political activity by gathering students and youth. It admitted activists in the Andhra Mahasabha and worked in a constructive manner. Ever since the communists joined the Andhra Mahasabha and started working, its sphere, depth and seriousness had grown. A serious ideological struggle had taken place in it between reformism and revolutionism; between Gandhism and Marxism-Leninism. By 1944, a firm line of demarcation was drawn between the feudal reactionaries and the progressive peasant revolutionary forces. The people were mobilised into extensive and massive struggles on the problems of bonded labour (“Vetti”) and tenancy. These struggles took more militant forms in the course of fighting the oppressive landlords who resorted to attacks on these mobilisations (meetings and processions).
    In this course the people brought the question of land before the Sangham and the party. The masses of people were enthusiastic and eager to seize back their lands which were grabbed by the landlords. The people gained such an amount of confidence in their own united and organised strength. At that time the party leadership found itself totally unprepared to meet this situation as the problem came to the fore in such a short time. It could not provide a clear-cut programme. Then the Communist party was engaged in developing the political consciousness among the people and preparing them into a united and organised force. It did not ask the people to take up arms. It did not form armed squads. Yet, the people advanced relying themselves on their own anti-feudal political consciousness and organised strength. The peasant’s consciousness has reached to the level of seizing the lands under the illegal occupation of landlords. They have become conscious of crossing the legal limits and adopting the revolutionary methods. However, the party was not yet prepared to go a step further, i.e., for a revolutionary action as the course of development demanded.

Mondrai and Palakurthi

    The peasants of Lambada tribe were cultivating the lands of Kataru Ramachandra Rao on lease. The lease deed was expired, but the peasants were not ready to leave the land. They were prepared to protect their right of cultivating their land on lease by resisting the attempts of the landlord. The landlord attacked the peasants with police and goondas. The Lambada peasants resisted the police and goondas with traditional weapons. They chased the goondas by using sticks.
    Ilamma’s was a small family in Palakurti. Yet, she was ready to fight to protect her own crop. As the militant voluntary forces were ready to act, the entire people of the village stood by her. The party fought back the landlord goondas with the united organised strength of the people. It chased away the goondas of Visnoor Ramachandra Reddy and protected Ilamma’s crop. Ilamma fought undauntedly even for a small piece of property. She enthused all other members of her family. Not only she defended her own right, but also declared, through her struggle, that this alone is the path to be adopted to defend the rights of the entire peasantry in Telangana. With this incident, the police cases and repression were mounted against the peasants. With lathis and one or two fire arms in their hands, the landlord goondas sought to create a reign of terror. The people’s volunteer forces repulsed them with, just sticks. Sticks were enough for this phase of struggle. Lord’ (dora) Ramachandra Reddy and Janakamma (his mother) vowed to smash the Sangham. They brought the police who arrested and tortured the activists.
    The struggle in this period was only of partial (courts, offices) nature. Open and secret revolutionary forms of struggle were being combined. The party cadre relied only on the strength of people’s unity and organisation in resisting the attacks from the landlords and their goondas.

Post-War Upsurge

    1944 was the year when Fascism was receiving death blows in the hands of the Red Army in the Second World War and the Fascist forces were on the retreat. The defeat of Fascism gave a tremendous impetus to the progressive, peace loving and democratic forces and movements all over the world. There erupted an upsurge in the democratic struggles. The defeat of Fascism and the advance of revolutionary forces in the world gave a great inspiration to our people who were, at the time, going through a worst suffering because of war and famine conditions created by the exploitation of landlords. A mass upsurge had come up all over India. It assumed more intensive form in Telangana.
    The peasants in Akunoor (Nalgonda district) and Machireddipally (Gulbarga district in the present Karnataka) refused to give the levy grain (collected by the British govt for the purpose of war). The peasants resisted and taught a lesson to the revenue and police officials who sought to collect the levy forcibly. The people used just sticks and brooms for this purpose. They used more powerful conventional weapons when they found the situation unmanageable. They did not use firearms in the beginning. This struggle was not only directed against the revenue and police machinery but also against the landlords. The landlords were helping the officials in the collection of levy grain. They were seeing to it that the levy was collected from the poor and middle peasants. Not only they were escaping themselves from the levy, but also were filling their treasuries and granaries with money and grain amassed in this course. The party had taken note of the anti-feudal and anti-government nature of these struggles. Nalgonda District Communist committee took lessons from the people’s initiative and the acts of resistance of these two villages. It exposed the acts of landlords and the government. Basing on these experiences, the party had given the call for the formation of volunteer squads in every village and to take out protest rallies against repression. It utilised these experiences to organise resistance against the police.

July 4th 1946: Kadivendi:

 Martyrdom of Doddi Komaraiah and its Consequences

    The oppressed masses of Telangana were the victims of the worst exploitation in Nizam’s feudal system perpetrated by the Jagirdars, Deshmukhs, Patels and Patwaris in the form of exploitation of labour, bonded labour, bribes, gifts and najranas (offerings). Those were the days when all the toiling masses - washer men, barbers, potters, Kurmis, Mala, Madiga, Hindu and Muslim-with no difference whatsoever were getting awakened. This is why the membership of Andhra Mahasabha had gone up to more than one lakh by 1946.

    After the people’s resistance and militant actions, at Mundrai and Palakurti, the feudal forces represented by Visnoor  Ramachandra Reddy, his family and his mother Janakamma had gone mad. They turned into furious dogs. They hatched conspiracies to smash the Sangham. The well organized Sangham in Kadivendi Village (Janagaon taluk) became their target of attack. They asked their goondas to rain stones on the houses of Sangham leaders from their hideouts and to way lay to attack at an opportune moment. Sangham had decided to resist these brutal acts of Deshmukhs. One day no sooner the procession of people with sticks, lathis and slings came close to the “gadi” (fort house) the Deshmukh goondas who were waiting in hideouts started firing at the procession. Doddi Komaraiah who was at the forefront of the procession died on the spot. Doddi Mallaiah, Kondaiah and others were wounded. Yet, the wave of massive people’s procession surged forward and surrounded the fort. While defending themselves from the attacks, they attempted to set fire to the fort. Seeing this, the Deshmukh sent messages to neighbouring feudal lords and gathered some more goondas in his support. The Sangham too sent messages to the people in neighbouring taluka (Ramannapet) for support. The people moved in waves with lathis, slings, sickles, axes and all kinds of weapons that they could collect. Kadivendi turned itself into a battle field. Slings and stones confronted the shotguns of landlord goondas. It proved that the people’s power is greater than the atomic power. The goonda gangs could not stand in the face of people’s resistance. Deshmukh’s properties and gardens became the targets of people’s fury. The reserved police rushed to the aid of Deshmukh’s goondas. They rescued goondas from the people’s custody and handed them to the Deshmukhs. They foisted false cases against the people.
    This incident was like a thunderbolt. Thousands of people marched in a procession with the dead body of Komaraiah and performed the last rites. They took the pledge to sacrifice their lives for Sangham. They clenched their fists. They roared and thundered like tigers. Komaraiah’s martyrdom laid the road for the liberation of Telangana. It had shown the path of revolution. Every drop of blood shed by Komaraiah gave birth to thousands of Komaraiahs.
    Komaraiah was a youth of an ordinary peasant family. He was imbibed by the lessons of people’s liberation movement in the light of Marxism-Leninism. He determined to destroy the feudal forces. He was filled with the spirit of acquiring land to the tiller. This made him march at the head of the procession. He would have pounced on the goondas like a tiger had the goondas confronted him directly. But the cowards chose to fire at him from a hideout. The exploiters-then as well as now, are just cowards. They always acted like cowards when confronted with the organised strength of people.
    This was how the exploiting forces killed Babulal Bishwakarma in Naxalbari (1968), Koranna and Manganna in Srikakulam (in Oct 1967). Whenever the revolutionary masses were in struggle for land, food and liberation, the exploiting classes resorted to the cowardly acts of murder. But these acts only further sharpened the revolutionary people’s movement.
    The people’s resistance of Kadivendi and Komaraiah’s martyrdom brought a new turn to the Telangana people’s revolutionary movement. “Gutupala” (stick-holding) Sanghams were organised in every village. Women and children were organised. Everyone was taught in the methods of resistance. Telangana people roared like wounded tigers. They raised high the banner of revolution. They gave shape to agrarian revolutionary movement. The peasants came forward to seize and distribute the lands in the possession of landlords. There was a big wave in Janagaon and Suryapet taluks. They revolted against feudalism. The Communist party leader Devulapalli Venkateswara Rao played a prominent role in bringing this turn to the struggle. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy, Bheemireddi Narsimha Reddy and others played an important role. Gram panchayats were organised under the leadership of the party. These panchayats led by the poor handled all problems - from land distribution to various problems in the villages. The authority of landlords was just pushed aside.
    This resistance movement spread to 120 villages in 5 talukas. The exploiting classes brought the military into the scene. Repression was intensified. 20 youth, including one woman were killed. The resistance movement was temporarily suppressed. This was the course of development between June and the end of December, 1946. 


(Sep 11, 1947 to Sept 13, 1948)

    The Nizam, who was ruling Hyderabad state under the British imperialists as their puppet, declared their “independence” in June 1947. The State Congress and other democratic forces who were, till then, working with the slogan of “responsible government” were angry with this. They were against Nizam being independent and wanted it to be a part of Indian Union. The political forces in the State saw the act of Nizam only as a conspiracy hatched in collusion with the British imperialists. The Mountbatten Award divided the country into three parts; namely 1) India 2) Pakistan and 3) Princely states. The princely states can either join India or Pakistan or remain independent.

    Nizam was the first to utilise the opportunity provided by the British imperialists. He proclaimed his independence just two months before the transfer of power to the Indian comprador big bourgeoisie. Nizam stood unyielding even in the talks between the union government headed by Nehru and the Nizam.
    With this, the Hyderabad State Congress gave a call for Satyagraha. It called upon the people to raise the national flag banned by the Nizam in all places as a form of struggle. Accordingly, the congressmen implemented the programme of flag hoisting and Satyagraha.
    The Communist Party called upon the State Congress to join the united struggle against Nizam. But the State Congress rejected this call. Even then, the Communist party, Andhra Mahasabha, All Hyderabad Trade Union Congress and All Hyderabad Students Union took up the programme of hoisting   the National Flag. It spread like a movement from street to street. It took the form of cutting down the palm trees, which were seen as the property of the government, and the struggle to oppose the levy imposed by the government. Workers, peasants, students and women took part in this struggle. Overcoming and with standing religious fanaticism incited by the Mazlis, a good number of Muslims too joined in this struggle.

Nizam - Nehru Bhai, Bhai

    When the people of Hyderabad were engaged in a life and death struggle to end the Nizam’s rule, the Central Congress leadership entered into a deal of compromise with Nizam. Nehru government appealed Nizam to join the Indian Union while retaining for himself all other powers except defence, foreign affairs and communications. Nizam did not agree at all to this. Nehru government had itself comedown. It signed a Stand-still Agreement with Nizam in November 1947. Under this, the Indian government promised not to interfere in any internal affairs of Hyderabad State. In a way, it amounted to say that the people’s movement is to be suppressed. It amounted to give freedom to Nizam to drown the people in blood. In return to this, Nizam was required not to set up his embassies in other countries. At the same time, he can set up ‘Agent General’ offices in other countries. It was almost equal to setting up the embassies in other countries. This Stand-still Agreement gave a respite for Nizam. It gave time to him to carry out his designs. It gave opportunity to him to modernise his armies, accumulate weapons and train up Razakars.
    The Nizam sought to brutally suppress the people’s struggle that was going on at that time against his rule. Gunning down the people, looting and destroying their properties and indulging in sexual attacks against women, he trampled the civil and democratic rights of people. The movement could not withstand Nizam’s autocracy.

Armed Struggle-Agrarian Revolution - Communist Party

    The Communist party decided to arm the people when the people’s movement was getting dispersed under the weight of heavy repression. At this time, the State Congress too decided to take up arms. The Communists as well as the Congressmen carried on armed actions. The Communist Party had correctly assessed the struggle consciousness of the people. The Communist Party had called upon the people to resist the brutalities of Nizam’s armed forces and Razakar goondas (Razakar: A Parsi word for “Volunteer”), and to get prepared to end the Nizam’s rule and to carry on the armed resistance in defence of people’s lives, properties and self-respect of women. However, these armed actions too could not withstand in the face of Nizam’s armed onslaught.
    In this context, the Communist Party realised that the Anti-Nizam Movement cannot sustain without providing a more serious programme to the people. It formulated a programme for this purpose. It was the land question and the programme of agrarian revolution.
    In reality the land distribution had begun right in 1946. Some victories were being won against the other forms of feudal exploitation and oppression and those victories were being defended. The party organised the people’s volunteer forces. The peasants seized back the lands under the illegal occupation of landlords and distributed them among themselves. The people’s resistance had reached a level. The land distribution movement also that continued for 4 to 5 months was temporarily suppressed.
    In this second stage, the Nizam’s armed forces could suppress the people’s resistance movement only as the anti-Nizam peoples’ upsurge confined itself to militant agitations and struggles.
    Similarly, it was also proved that the movement cannot advance and withstand enemy’s onslaught if it confines itself to armed resistance only as the State Congress had been doing. Not only this. The State Congress also had the deceptive idea of degrading the peoples upsurge against Nizam to the level of Satyagraha. The State Congress chose to call for armed struggle instead of getting itself isolated from the peoples’ upsurge. It thus conspired to defuse and fizzle it out at an opportune moment.
    Hence, the Communist Party surged much ahead. It was of the understanding that the armed   struggle cannot advance without linking it to the land question. It decided first to seize the lands of pro-Nizam landlords and distribute the same among the landless, poor peasants. In the course of victoriously advancing in this direction, it declared that no landlord should own more than 500 acres and the lands above this ceiling would be distributed. Afterwards it brought down the ceiling to 200 acres.
    Though a formal call for armed resistance was given by the three Organisations (Raavi Narayan Reddy, Baddam Yella Reddy, Makhdum Mohiuddeen on behalf of the Communist Party, Andhra Mahasabha and Trade Union respectively) on Sept 11, 1947, the Communist Party was already engaged in reviving and re-organising itself on a sound basis which faced earlier a setback in December 1946. In this course, it has built up youth, women and village committees in a well-knit manner. It took lessons from the temporary defeats. It continues to keep the people’s consciousness alive. The Communist party never came under the spell of defeatism. It made efforts to bring qualitatively more positive and firmer turn in the situation.
    In its Sept 11, 1947 call for armed struggle, the party put forth the following programme before the people and the cadre:

1. Carry on the armed struggle to overthrow the Nizam government.

2.  Organise the classes for the purpose of conducting the armed struggle.

3. Seize arms that are in the possession of landlords and in the enemy’s camps by conducting raids on their camps.

4. Paralyse the activities of Nizam govt. Seize the govt records and destroy them.

5. Refuse to give levy and to pay taxes to Nizam govt.

6. See that toddy is not taken out and sold.

7. Treat the landlords who are in collusion with Nizam govt as enemies and seize their movable and immovable properties.

8. Allow the landlords who join in the struggle against Nizam govt to retain 200 acres of dry land and 10 acres of wet land for the purpose of self-cultivation and distribute the remaining land among the poor and agricultural labour.

9.  Distribute the government (banzar) and cultivable forest lands.

10.Restore the lands illegally occupied by the landlords and money lenders to their rightful owners.

11.Boycott the government offices, courts, schools and colleges.

12.Refuse to repay the grain and money taken from the landlords and money lenders as debt and interest.

13.Destroy the customs outposts on the borders of Nizam State.

14.Enhance the wages of agricultural labour.

15.Seize the lands under the cultivation of Jagirdars and refuse to pay taxes to them.

16.Defy the government orders, hoist the National Flags and the Flags of Communist Party in every village.

    The district Committees of the Communist Party had shown a great initiative in implementing this programme. They had built up village people’s committees and the armed guerrilla squads. In the course of these programmes, the Andhra Mahasabha expanded its activities to new areas. It spread its influence among various classes and sections of people.

Guerrilla Squads

    Permanent guerrilla squads were organised by acquiring modern weapons. Their programmes were coordinated with the local squads.
    Four thousand members were drawn into these armed squads. Youth were entrusted with the tasks of village defence. The squads that destroy the roadways and the squads that gather enemy’s information were formed. Youth -women and men-who work with enough dynamism were drawn into the couriering system. To start with, one guerrilla squad for each district was formed. As the strength of weapons had grown, the number of guerrilla squads was increased. Powerful, heroic armed resistance commenced. Razakars who raided the villages for looting were repulsed in a military manner. The machinery that was looting the grain in the name of taxes was forced to flee. Customs outposts were destroyed. The movements of enemy’s armed forces were obstructed by destroying the transport system. The role played by the people in these programmes was unprecedented. The people were protecting the guerrilla squads as the pupil of their eyes. They were helping in each and every manner. This unflinching support and help from the people provided much favourable conditions for the movements of guerrilla squads. The squads moved like fish in water.
    The people were suitably punishing the landlords and their agents who were extending co-operation to Nizam’s forces. There are occasions when they were tried in people’s courts and awarded with the death sentence. With this, the landlords fled away to towns from villages. The people’s raj came into vogue in such areas. The government seemed to exist only when its armed forces were camping there. The Village People’s Committees were all powerful.

Feudal Oppression came to an End

    Where ever the armed resistance was carried on in an organised manner, the feudal oppression and rule crumbled down. Village Panchayats were formed and their rule had begun in 4,000 villages in Nalgonda, Warangal, Karimnagar, Adilabad and Medak districts. These panchayats had come up even a few miles away to Nizam’s Capital, i.e., Hyderabad. The rule of village committees had put the landlords and exploiters under check and these committees stood on the side of common people. These committees were formed with those who took part in the struggle and with the poor and the middle class sections who joined us. The landlords and govt officials fled away to cities. All the village affairs were carried on under the leadership of these village committees. With the distribution of land, abolition of bonded labour, distribution of grain by breaking the granaries of landlords, distribution of cattle and the agricultural implements and the abolition of lending money on interest and with similar activities the agrarian revolutionary programme was translated into practice in the villages.
    The illegal affairs of landlords were brought to book. The deeds and promissory notes fabricated by them for the purpose of recklessly looting the peasants were burnt down. The lands of the landlords who took the side of enemy were totally distributed. Ceiling was fixed on the lands of the landlords who adopted a neutral attitude. About 10 lakh acres of land had come into people’s hands in this area. Agricultural labourers enhanced their own wages. Toddy tappers were given the palm trees free of cost. In several villages, the people had built up their own irrigation canals from rivers, tanks and bunds etc. They arranged their own hospitals. They freely got the timber needed for agriculture. They recognised the right of women for divorce. Widow marriages and inter-caste marriages had taken place. The consciousness against untouchability had grown. The superstitions and thefts had come down. The practice of imparting education through night schools was developed. The scientific knowledge and political consciousness had blossomed.
    This struggle had its own impact on the Kannada and Marathi speaking areas in the state. The people of these areas too carried on struggle against Nizam. This struggle had much impact on the Andhra area of Madras state. Hundreds of cadres and leaders stood in support of these areas. They provided many things like weapons, money and dens for the struggle. They had built up anti-feudal struggle in the border districts. They organised intellectuals, teachers, employees, workers, students and youth. The writers responded to the struggle. Many artistes gave artistic (cultural) forms to the stories of the movement and had given performances also. In a word, hundreds of people belonging to various classes and sections from this area sacrificed their lives. Thousands of people became victims of many brutalities perpetrated by the British, Nizam and Congress rulers. Be it the British, Nizam or Congress-each of these rulers were proved to be murderers of the worst type.

Let us be Humble and Learn

    The struggle that went on as on Sept 11, 1948 was a glorious one. It had provided us with many valuable experiences. This was the first extensive armed struggle in Indian history under the leadership of the Communist Party. It represented the character of the highest struggle and the strength of sacrifice. It had improved the people’s consciousness step by step to a higher level. Common people on their own accord participated in lakhs in this struggle. This peasant armed struggle has raised the prestige of the party all over India and at international level.
    This was a heroic peasant armed struggle to put an end to the outdated feudal system. This was a struggle to ensure the right over the land to the landless dalits (agricultural labour), peasants, girijans and women.
    This was not just an anti-Nizam struggle. This was an agrarian revolutionary struggle that continued as a struggle to seize lakhs of acres of land from the hands of landlords and as a struggle that challenged the feudal authority and various forms of their oppression, customs and superstitions.
    The distribution of land ensured mass base and the character of mass movement for the armed struggle. People getting them armed and organised into guerrilla squads had widened and strengthened the movement. The armed actions initiated by the party could not have continued in the absence of this agrarian revolutionary programme. The youth in thousands would not have joined the guerrilla squads and taken to arms. In no time, the movement would have been crushed and fizzled out.
    The Prime Minister Nehru’s armed forces of Indian Union that entered the Hyderabad state on the plea of integrating it in the Indian Union and as an action against Nizam attacked the centre of revolution where the agrarian revolution was on the verge of victory. Yet, we could continue the resistance till 1951. It was made possible only because the armed struggle was linked to land distribution-i.e. the agrarian revolution. It would not have been possible by any other means.
    We will continue as real revolutionary forces only when we review the last 5 decades time i.e. from 1969 in the light of these experiences. These experiences of the glorious Telangana peasants’ armed struggle are helping us a lot to be away from rightist and left deviation policies. Only when we receive these experiences with revolutionary humbleness we can defeat revisionism, neo revisionism and Indian reactionary forces. This will be a real tribute to the martyrs of Telangana revolutionaries. Then only revolution will be successful.


(September 1948 to October 1951) 

    ‘On the day of Transfer of Power on August 15th, 1947 the big bourgeoisie of India entered into a treacherous deal with imperialism and feudalism. This compromise had surrendered all the wealth of our country to imperialist sharks. This agreement gave ample scope for imperialist exploitation. It allowed the continuation of and strengthening of feudalism in India. This made possible to protect the exploitation of landlords in the rural areas and to continue the exploitation in new forms.’

    ‘This is the most heinous agreement in which the British rulers transferred power to the big bourgeoisie and landlords, while Lord Mountbatten continued as Governor-General and Nehru appointed as the Prime Minister.
    “In brief, the transfer of power on Aug 15th catapulted India not into a living epoch of progress, but into a dead epoch of stagnation with all the old laws, henchmen and old names.”
    “The Indian people, who had taken the anti-imperialist posture of the “national” leadership under the direct management of “Mahatma’s” non-violence as genuine, were betrayed”
    The civil officials i.e., bureaucracy as individuals and as a part of the government will have a strong hold as before and will oppose fundamental changes in the society. This is the greatest treachery of the bourgeoisie towards its friends like peasants, working class, and middle class as it accepted the old constitutional machinery without any change on 15th August 1947. (India Mortgaged - T. Nagireddy)

A Conspiracy Well Hatched

    Lord Mountbatten and Nehru who deceived Indians easily on 15th Aug, 1947 thought that it was not possible to deceive the people of Telangana. So, they hatched a heinous conspiracy. It is a known fact that the British imperialists had transferred power by dividing the subcontinent into Pakistan, Indian Union and Princely states. Nizam wanted to remain as an independent state. As he was subservient to the British imperialists, he had to follow their instructions. By August 1947 itself the peasants’ revolutionary movement reached a stage that would break the backbone of Nizam. The British imperialists knew well that he could not withstand the organised revolutionary movement under the leadership of Communist Party.
    On the one hand, they maintained an independent status for Hyderabad under the rule of Nizam. At the same time Nizam requested Mountbatten to bargain on his behalf with Nehru government for independence. Nehru and Nizam came to an understanding and compromised according to the orders of the British imperialists. This is a private compromise. Accordingly, Nizam inducted Hindu landlord Pingali Venkata Rami Reddy into the ministry just before the transfer of power and also appointed him as a member of delegation that held talks with Congress through British agents.
    This was not palatable to Khasim Razvi, the leader of Razakars. He, on his own, continued attacks on revolutionary peasant movement unleashing a reign of terror. He prohibited the hoisting of National Flag. He continued and increased destructive activities.
    The leaders of Hyderabad State Congress could not swallow the declaration of independence by Nizam. They decided to intensify the anti-razakar movement. Hoisting national flag and Satyagraha were their forms of struggle. Afterwards, it decided to launch armed resistance to razakars. In fact, the British, Nizam and Congress are in collusion. Actually the standstill agreement of November 1947 was the result of this collusion. They held that this agreement will continue for a year.
    They knew well that the princely state of Hyderabad could not survive as an independent state; it could not withstand the raging peasant revolutionary movement; and any delay on their part would result in the loss of power from the hands of big bourgeois and landlord classes. Moreover, they clearly understood that the progress of Telangana peasant movement into an agrarian revolution which destroys feudalism and, if it transforms into new democratic revolution, was indeed more dangerous to them.
By that time, the anti-Nizam armed struggle had intensified into anti-feudal armed struggle under the leadership of the Communist Party. The peasants confiscated the lands, cattle, granaries and fort houses of notorious landlords like Visunoori Ramachandra Reddy, Jannareddy Pratapa Reddy, Kathari Ramachandra Rao etc. People’s government was established in villages and the people’s panchayats were deciding the matters like land ceiling, distribution of lands, problems that arose during the land distribution, contradictions among the people, family disputes etc. Neither the government of Nizam nor the rule of landlords did exist there. Peoples’ militia — guerrilla and voluntary squads were formed to protect people from the attacks of Nizam’s armed gangs. So the British imperialists did not like to delay any more.
    The bourgeois forces, which abandoned the task of bringing democratic revolution, had taken up the task of protecting feudalism. The British imperialists and representatives of comprador bourgeoisie, Nehru, Patel and Panth under whose leadership Congress was sailing knew well the experience of Paris Commune, victory of Russian proletariat revolution, democratic, socialist revolutions in East Europe and the impending victory of Chinese revolution that cremated the feudal and bourgeois systems.
    So with the advice of British representative, Governor - General Mountbatten, the Congress government speeded up the measures to amalgamate the Hyderabad state. The British-Nizam-Congress trio had taken utmost care to save the interests of feudal landlords. They adopted the attitude of trampling the democratic and national aspirations and rights of people. They came into a heinous compromise. The Congress which used to claim that it fought for national freedom had nakedly trampled the sacrifices of democratic and national forces. It became impossible to it to hide its deception under the mask of khaddar and burqa. The sacrifices and struggles of communists and peasants of Telangana exposed the real nature of Nehru congress – It is a wolf in sheep’s clothing. Moreover the fighting spirit and determination of heroic peasants of Telangana have become a bone in their throat.
    As the Nizam was not able to suppress the revolutionary movement, the merger of Hyderabad into Indian Union is only an excuse. Nehru beating Nizam and Nizam yielding to Nehru is only a farce. It was a great illusion. The real aim was the suppression of peasant revolutionary movement, agrarian revolutionary movement and strangling to death of newly born democratic revolution by using union military.

September 1948 - the Entry of Nehru Army

    By June-July 1948 itself, the Communist Party scented this scheme of suppressing the peasant revolutionary movement by using the military forces of Indian Union under the feint of removing Nizam from power. The Andhra Provincial Committee decided to continue the armed struggle against Nizam and feudalism, as well as the army of the Indian Union. It decided to resist the re-entry of landlords and deshmukhs with the support of Nehru army. It felt that non-continuation of the armed struggle tantamount to the betrayal of the struggling peasantry and Telangana revolutionary movement.
    The state committee issued certain directions to the party committees and squads. They are: 1) As long as Nehru’s army was fighting against the Razakars and Nizam’s armed forces, we should not fight with the Indian army; 2) We on our own continue our attacks on Razakars and Nizam’s armed camps and destroy them; 3) grab the arms; supply more weapons to squads and intensify training to squads.
    The party gave a direction that if we wait with patience for some time, the real nature of Nehru’s military would come out with its real colours; the combine of the army-razakar-landlord goondas would start attacking peasants and the illusion about the Indian military would be shattered, and the people will again rise up in struggle. Though some differed with this analysis, they participated in the struggle according to the decision of the party.

Police Action-A Hoax; Nizam’s Surrender - a Farce

    The Union military launched police action on September 13th, 1948. Nizam’s armed forces did not resist the Union military except in one or two places. They merely surrendered when the Union military appeared on the scene. The Nizam’s armed forces fled their camps throwing their weapons into water wells on hearing the sounds of firing and appearance of reconnaissance planes in the sky. Within five days of ‘police action’ on 18th September the Nawab himself surrendered. In this well - orchestrated drama, the British, Nizam and Congress trio played their respective roles.

People Utilized the Situation to the Utmost

    The people and squads utilised this situation very well. They conducted attacks on many camps of razakars and Nizam’s armed forces. The initiative of people and squads surged forward in the taluks of Suryapet, Janagama, Manukota, Bhongir and Warangal.
In Suryapet Taluk, The people and squads grabbed weapons - rifles, sten guns and hand grenades from the Nizam’s armed forces and destroyed their camps. Five thousand people got organized and razed to the ground the fort-house of notorious landlord Jannareddy Pratapa Reddy.

In Janagama Taluk,

    Ten thousand people surrounded the fort-house of landlord Visunoori Ramachandra Reddy.The squads attacked razakar camp. The Union army came to protect the landlord and opened fire on the people. The son of the landlord, Jaganmohan Reddy, and Visunooru Sub-Inspector tried to flee and boarded a goods train in Jangaon to reach Hyderabad. Both of them committed innumerable atrocities. So the revolutionary masses did not permit them to leave Jangaon. They stopped the goods train and caught them and beat Jaganmohan Reddy to death. They spit on his corpse and the sub inspector was severely beaten. In the same taluk, three thousand people attacked Razakar camp at Laddanur and killed 23 razakars and confiscated their weapons and gunpowder.

In Manukota Taluk,

    Three thousand people attacked the razakar camp at Nellakuduru. Razakars yielded to them. But the Union military came to the rescue of razakars and opened fire on the people. The revolutionary masses killed two razakars and grabbed weapons from them and retreated. In Jammikuntla, people tried to dismantle another house of Jannareddy Pratapa Reddy but were able to damage the house partially only and distributed four thousand bags of food grains among themselves.
    Thousands of people and guerrilla squads participated in these actions. Marripeda Deshmukh, Damodara Reddy’s house was destroyed. Hundreds of bags of food grains from the fort-house in Purushottama Gudem were distributed and lit fire to the fort house. Likewise they confiscated the granary of Rayigudem landlord Raghava Reddy and Suryapet Deshmukh’s 500 grain bags located at Kanrayi. They destroyed rice mill of landlord Raghavarao.
    In Manukota town, ten thousand people seized the weapons from Deshmukhs and razakars. The Union army came and rescued the enemies of people.
    On September 15, ten thousand people took ten thousand bags of food grains from the Dornakal and Papatapalli railway stations.
    The revolutionary masses and squads attacked the enemies of the people in Mothkur of Ramannapeta Taluk, in Narketpalli of Nalgonda taluk, in Kurraram of Bhongiri taluk etc. Even though the directions of the party had not reached them, thousands of masses smashed the Thatikonda camp, and Jaffergadh camps of Warangal Taluk, and three camps in Huzurabad taluk and killed the enemies and took possession of their properties.
    While the Union military was engaged in the protection of deshmukhs and razakars, the people had chased away the razakars and landlords, established village administrative committees and distributed lands even before the union military entered into their villages.
    The union military saved Khasim Razvi and tyrannical landlords. At the same time, the razakars inflicted hardships upon those Muslim families which were taking part in the revolutionary movement. Revolutionary masses took measures to protect these families.

The Naked Nature of the Military of the Indian Union

    It took no time for the people to realise that the Union military entered not to fight against the Nizam. As soon as the drama of surrender of Nizam and his armed forces was completed within a week, the Union military unleashed a reign of terror on the people and guerrilla squads. They stood in protection of landlords and resorted to brutal lathi charge and firing upon the people who were forcibly taking possession of the properties of landlords.
    The landlords who fled their villages started returning within two weeks of the entry of union military. They moved along with the union military to identify and torture the cadres of Andhra Mahasabha, Communist Party, people who supported the struggle and the families of squad members. They committed many atrocities on them.
    Some of the cadres nurtured illusions that a free and democratic government would be established with the removal of Nizam’s rule and entry of Nehru’s union military. So, there was laxity of discipline. They kept their weapons in secret places and returned to their families. The illusions about the Nehru government and Congress among sections of the party were the root cause of this laxity. There were numerous bad effects because of this laxity.
    Indian Union, which took over administration from the Nizam, proved itself as the staunch pro-landlord force. It not only provided protection to landlords and razakars physically, but also took upon itself the ‘sacred’ task of reinstating the properties like paddy, cattle and land of landlords that were grabbed by the people. It tortured, arrested and killed those people who refused to comply with its orders to return the properties of landlords. It took steps to trample all the victories of people’s movement and hell bent upon to suppress the democratic revolutionary movement and the Communist Party.
    The aim of Nehru’s Government was clear; it was not the merger of princely state into Indian Union; it was not the formation of truly federal system of voluntary union of various nationalities; it was not the fulfillment of national and democratic aspirations of people; it was not the establishment of genuine democratic system. Clearly, the trampling of all these was its aim.
    From the other angle also, their aim was crystal clear. It was the transfer of political power from their British masters and serving their interests; it was the protection of comprador bourgeoisie and acting according to its interests; it was the protection of feudal landlordism and its exploitation: it was protection of the lavishness of feudal classes by cajoling and appeasing princely state rulers and zamindars.
    The commander of Union military General J. N. Chowdhary openly declared that his troops came to suppress the Communist Party and he would wipe out communists from Telangana within six weeks. After the police action, the surrender drama of razakars was completed in a week. In the second week, the Union military used its arms to save deshmukhs, landlords and rajakars. By December 1948, the real mission of the Union military was clearly exposed. Its pro-feudal antics reached their climax. It was proved that ‘independent’ Indian union army was an enemy to the people.

What was the Task before the Communist Party?

    The party gave a programme to the people which called for the protection and extension of the victories achieved by the people through their heroic struggles. With this aim, the party gave a programme to fight back the union military.

1. While striving to protect the old areas of struggle and achievements, extend to newer areas; striking the enemy to shatter his confidence and making him defensive and unstable.

2. With the arrest of some cadres and the people and with the re-establishment of the old rule by destroying the victories of the people, it is not proper to conclude that the enemy was victorious. Do not come to a final conclusion about the victory of enemy and the defeat of the people. As long as we could not liquidate the capability of enemy to unleash attacks, the achievements would continuously change from one side to other. Hence, we had to relentlessly strive hard to defeat the enemy by repeatedly striking him hard and reinstate the people’s achievements.

What is to be Done to Achieve this?

If the enemy tries to cultivate our lands, we should thwart their attempts. If we fail, we had to take possession of the harvest and if it’s not possible destroy the crop. The enemy should be chased out of the village. 

The people should re-occupy the lands taken away by the enemy and cultivate them. Even for a short period of time, they should keep the land in their hands.

Whatever might be the hardships, we should continue the struggle for land. Even if it changed hands for hundred times, we should not abandon it. Until the enemy leaves that area this struggle should be continued.

3. All the tax-collecting officers should be chased away from the old and new areas of struggle.

— Deshmukhs, landlords and village officers should be chased out.

  Isolate the enemy’s agents such as hereditary heads of tribes and castes from the people.

— We must be strict and merciless towards those who carry our news and secrets to enemies and enemy armies.

—Enemy should be forced to abandon their camps set up in our areas, if it doesn’t happen, we should destroy these camps. We had to resist the enemy’s attacks from outside and not allow them to step in Our areas.

4. We must oppose all the attempts of Deshmukhs and landlords to occupy the lands of people. In the areas where it was possible, we had to occupy the lands of landlords and distribute them to peasants.

— Organise struggles to raise the wages and for holidays for agricultural labourers and farmhands.

— People’s panchayat had to regularise the money lending and the rate of interest should be decided by it. The forms of expressing protest and social boycott should be used against those who collect higher rates of interest. Thus, we had to decrease the burden of the people.

5. Build the mass organisations and the party.

— Agricultural labourers should be organised in a separate class organisation.

— Andhra Mahasabha should be functioned as an organ of new democratic united front consisting of all the democratic revolutionary forces. They have to appoint the executive committees through election process. They have to function as village panchayat committee.

— The volunteer squads should be built with the agricultural labourer and poor peasants and impart training to them.

Party Building

— Those who understood and agreed to the aims and programme of the party i.e., those who agree with the directions, programmes and activities that were being implemented in the guerrilla areas;

— Those that are ready to accept the democratic centralism and iron discipline of the party and had the sufficient political consciousness;

— Those who could sacrifice their everything including their life for the sake of the party;

— Those who observe high standards of morality i.e. those who would not bring infamy to the party should be allowed to join the party.

— The party should be built on a strong basis. The political knowledge of the members should be improved; methods of secret work should be developed. There is no place in the party for drunkards and debauchers. (If all other qualifications are satisfied and provided there would not be any erosion of prestige of party and its activities because of drinking and debauchee, this rule may be relaxed as an exception).

— Build small guerrilla squads. Conduct our campaign among the armed forces of the enemy. Secret and tech methods that are formulated should be strictly implemented.

— Patiently expose and explain to the people the real nature of the other political parties and try to bring them out of their influence.

    This was the programme adopted by the Communist party. The programme was accepted by the party units, guerrilla squads and people. They were eager to implement it with revolutionary spirit. It raised their consciousness to the level of fighting against the Nehru’s government and General J.N. Chowdhury’s troops. The struggle turned from anti-Nizam and anti-feudal nature to that of anti-union military and anti-feudal nature. The revolutionary peasantry entered into a phase of protecting their victories. With the tactics of protecting and slowly moving forward, the armed resistance began.


Nehru’s Government Declared War on Revolutionary People’s Movement

    Nehru’s government completed its police action on razakars in ten days and unleashed reign of terror upon the struggling masses that were waging struggle under the leadership of the Communist party. The people were able to see the naked nature of the Union military within two months of its entry. They experienced its pro-feudal and comprador nature. This experience shattered the illusion that Nehru was a friend of anti-Nizam, anti-feudal people’s resistance movement and of national and democratic revolution. The government of Indian Union was proved to be an enemy of the people.

    General J. N. Chowdhury, the military Governor appointed by the Union, acted as the trusted servant of feudal classes and the Congress. He opened military camps with hundreds of soldiers in the princely state. He gave all his support to Deshmukhs, Jagirdars, landlords and village officers to return to their villages. He opened offices of Congress volunteers by the side of military camps in order to reestablish their domination. He entrusted the task of anti-communist propaganda to Congress volunteers and used them to capture the communists and members of guerrilla squad.

The Propaganda of Congress Volunteers

    The propaganda of congress volunteers continued as follows.
    “Now, we had people’s power. Nizam was no more in power. Ask the squads to surrender with arms. Return the properties, cattle, grains and lands of landlords, Deshmukhs and Jagirdars that were taken by force. Then the Congress government will introduce land reforms and distribute the lands to the landless. We are all Hindus. The Communists are agents of Russia. In the Communist government everyone becomes a labourer. They will kill all the old people. They will not observe any social customs. So do not believe them. Immediately pay the land tax, levy of food grains and excise taxes. If you do not follow our instructions, we will punish you. Our armed forces are so strong that even the powerful Nizam had to surrender within ten days. So Communists are not at all a menace to us. We have powerful weapons that can strike a target located two miles away. We have aeroplanes that can drop bombs on villages. We have tanks that can destroy everything that came in its way. We came to protect and save you. If you do not listen to us, you are doomed”.
    While Congress volunteers were engaged in such propaganda, the military governor asked the Communists to surrender within a week or face their total wiping out. Under these circumstances, the party intensified its programme of educating the people by explaining the implications of the propaganda of the Congress volunteers and of the military governor. They explained to the people that Congress committees mean committees of landlords and deshmukhs and the Congress had joined hands with these forces.
    They asked the people to protect the lands and livestock which were acquired through hard struggle and sacrifices. It is impossible to have a compromise between a rat and a cat. Communists decided to resist instead of surrender. The programme given by the party is-protecting the victories achieved in the old areas and extending to new areas and achieving new victories there; not recognizing the government of Nehru; opposing tax collection; distribution of lands; increasing the wages of agricultural labourers; resisting the Nehru’s military and destabilising it; building a disciplined party organisation, exposing the political opponents-was being implemented in all the areas.

The Suppression Policy of the Enemy

    As announced, General Chowdhury started measures to suppress the Communist Party and Andhra Mahasabha. Military started its onslaught directly on the guerrilla squads and people. The Congress volunteers started to act in the fashion of razakars and acted as special agents of military. The union military intensified its suppression through encirclement.
    The Communist Party took measures to save the people and squads from this encirclement;

- The number of squad members should not be more than five;

- They should wear the ordinary dress and mingle among the people;

- They should not carry weapons openly;

- After sensing the military attack, immediately they should retrieve from the area and mingle among the people;

   This was the direction given by the party to the village squads.
    The guerrilla squads followed these directions. Yet, the people, who were the mainstay for the defence of squads, were not able to withstand the attacks of military in the beginning. The military carried out atrocious and fascist bloodbath on people to know the whereabouts of squads; to return the confiscated properties of landlords and deshmukhs; starting concentration camps for every four miles, where the people were herded together to be tortured and asking the people to accompany them in their combing operations. The people used to say while the Nizam ate goats; Union military eats oxen comparing the atrocities of nizam to the union military. In Manukota, Janagama, Suryapeta, Khammam and Yellandu the union military surpassed Nazis in torturing people. They invented novel methods of torture. The army of Nehru reminded the people of Hitler and Mussolini. The torture was made on young and old, male and female without any discrimination.
    Beating with the bayonets of the rifle, beating with canes, bending the canes in the shape of anvil and sickle and beating with it so that its impression falls on the back of the body; taking to the heights through ropes and suddenly releasing them from that height; keeping the people in the gunny bags and playing with them like balls by throwing hither and thither; swaying the body as in the cradle and kicking with iron heels of the boots, pressing with a wooden plaque from the backside; placing huge rocks on the stomach, chest and thighs; pricking the nails with pins, creating scars with hot iron rods; giving electric shocks, making one to run in front of lorries or dragging the body by tying to the running lorry, making one to crawl after breaking his legs and hands, if not able to crawl killing them by beating with stones, asking one to crawl in the thorny bushes; making one stand in the scorching sunlight over the sand dunes; pouring boiling water on the body and burning those who are alive are the brutal methods adopted by the army towards the people.
    Three lakhs of people belonging to more than two thousand villages of Nalgonda, Warangal, Khammam, Karimnagar and Hyderabad districts were tortured like this. 50 thousand people were arrested and imprisoned in the military camps and prisons.
Women were subjected to horrific sexual assaults without considering whether they are pregnant or babies. Raping women in front of their husbands and children, cutting nipples, parading them nakedly in the streets, killing them in front of their children were some of the assaults used by the military against women. The military forced women to wear pyjamas and by closing those at the other end threw Geckos into the pyjamas. Such atrocious acts were committed by the military of Nehru. Within a year more than thousand women were victimized with sexual violence. Thousands of women were subjected to such inhuman brutalities of congress razakars (volunteers) and as a result hundreds of them were dead.
    The Union military within a few months after attacking the peasant revolutionary movement had killed communist revolutionaries in a large number. The Nehru military inflicted different types of torture on heroic guerrilla fighters who were with people. It caught, tortured and killed many communist fighters who were among the people and with the people in their hardships. This reign of terror continued for one year. The people, who were not able to withstand the first round of onslaught, were now seething with anger. To live or to die was the question. Gradually the people became steeled and tempered. Jeenahai to marna seekho; kadam kadam par ladana seekho (Let us not live to die; let us fight to live) became their motto. When the Union military asked them after brutal torture whether they would disown Andhra Mahasabha and Communist Party or not, the people answered with one voice that they would not disown it. The white terror could not liquidate their determination and the spirit of struggle.
     The people were defending their achievements of struggle under the leadership of the Communist Party and Andhra Mahasabha. They chased away those landlords who came back to the villages with the help of the union military and congress volunteers. The rule of union government could not be established in the villages. In spite of this severe suppression for one year the rule of the peoples’ panchayats continued. The occupation and distribution of lands continued. The activities of the Communist Party and Andhra Mahasabha still continued. Tax collection was stopped. The power of forest officers was ignored. People made use of the forest freely. Even the Congress leaders in their own way accepted the peoples’ capacity to fight back the repression.
    Congress leaders Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, Konda Venkata Ranga Reddy and Marri Chenna Reddy toured Warangal and Nalgonda districts and issued a statement which appeared in the daily newspaper ‘Golkonda’ on July 15, 1947:
    “The village panchayats started earlier by the communists were working as in the past. Every dispute in the village was being solved by these panchayats. They were occupying lands by forceful eviction of those who had title deeds. Patel and Patwari could not dare to enter into villages because of the activities of the communists. Panchayats were collecting money to conduct meetings, processions and festivals”.
    “Those who returned to village (all of them were Deshmukhs-correspondent) after the police action were fleeing to towns because of communists. Police stations were not receiving weekly reports from these villages”.
    “Communist unrest and atrocities were growing with every passing day. Some of the higher officials and Congress cadres were alleging that the communists were not distributing lands properly. If the land distribution was conducted on proper lines, peace could be restored”.
    “What is the cause for our inability to re-open schools in the villages? At one place, one school was opened on the condition that Burra Katha (folklore form of musical rendering of stories of peoples’ heroes, which was revived by the Communist party) would be taught as a part of syllabus. Why the people were cutting toddy (palm) trees? Why the people were cutting tress in the forest without the permission of the government? As far as we could observe, there was no tax collection. In some places, the officials were not even trying to collect the taxes. There were no indications until now that the land tax for second crop was collected”.
    This statement made it clear that the people had not abandoned the revolutionary practice even after the police action - fascist onslaught and were fully engaged in the revolutionary activities.
    An interview with one of the police officers of Hyderabad State clearly showed how the revolutionary people’s movement was continuing. Here we are reproducing some excerpts from that interview.
Question : What are their activities?
Answer : They formed armed squads. They are not directly attacking the military. They are touring the villages. There are three or four wealthy people who own lands and buildings in the villages. The remaining people are poor. The armed squads are going to the villages and instigating the poor to kill the wealthy people and confiscate their properties.
Question: The communists are raping women, looting the properties and killing the visitors. Is it true?
Answer : No. Communists are not like that. You feel like that by the reports of the newspapers. Communists are not doing such things. All their atrocities are committed against Deshmukhs and Jagirdars only. They never touch the people.
Question : Why the government is not suppressing them?
Answer : The government is trying in all ways; yet it is becoming difficult. Police camps are set up for every group of ten to twenty villages and each camp is under the supervision of a circle Inspector. It is becoming impossible for them to suppress the communists. The people in villages are not co-operating with the government. Moreover, they are secretly helping the communists. The communists have weapons; so, the police are afraid of going near them. The police are so frightened that they request their friends in the camps to convey their departing words to their families if they do not return. When they have to go for a combing operation, no police have the confidence that he will return safely after the operation. There are many reasons for this situation. All the police belong to Malabar and Mysore regions. They are new to this area. Their families are hundreds of miles away. There is no increase in their salaries. The people are not supplying them milk and butter even for payment. Soon after the people came to know about the police attack, they destroyed milk and other food items. Because of this, police committed some atrocities. People are severely criticising the government. People particularly those who are residing near the police camps are facing many difficulties because of police attacks.
Question : Why did not the government raise the salaries?
Answer : There is unrest among the policemen as the government did not raise their salaries. They submitted a memorandum to the military governor through proper channel. It did not yield any result. Moreover, military governor warned them that they are succumbing to the communist influence. Communist danger is there in four districts. Though there is no movement in other districts, the situation is not satisfactory. If the police opened fire, they have to submit the empty cartridges to the officials as evidence. If they fail, they will be severely punished. The government is suspicious that policemen are selling bullets to communists”.
The statement of congress leaders and interview of higher police officer reveals that the people of telangana had not abandoned the banner of agrarian revolution and the 10 months of white terror by the Nehru’s military could not liquidate the fighting spirit of the people. 


Manukota-Mulugu-Warangal Areas:

    The Communist Party took into consideration the losses incurred, due to certain mistakes in tactics and, as a consequence, there were arrests of leadership and dispersion of cadres and other losses. The Area Committee transferred other squads to safer areas and depending upon the experiences gained, reorganised the squads. It gave political and military training to the cadre. It sent certain squads and some cadres to the struggle areas and started resistance.
    The people of the area helped a lot to the regular guerrilla activities. They gave an active co-operation in collecting information about the military movements and eliminating CIDs. They created obstacles to the military in the forest areas. Many youth joined the squads. The peasant and coolie cadre who were in confusion after the police action and were staying in the villages with temporary lassitude established relations again with the party and started their work in the mass organisations.
    Landlords were not able to stay in the villages. Only in those villages where there were permanent military camps, they could cultivate lands.
    People were very active in the newly extended villages. The people of all the villages were ready for the distribution of lands. Because of attacks of squads on military, people were able to face the repression. As the schemes of the enemy were shattered, there arose a scope for people’s activities. The people eagerly awaited for the calls from the party and saved many comrades.
    Though the losses due to mistakes in secret work and weakness on organisational front were a hurdle to the resistance, the leadership had surmounted these difficulties.
    The movement of this area was extended to the forest area of Mulugu and Pakala. The cadre while discharging the task of extending the movement, re-established contacts with plain areas and organised the resistance. The period of three years from 1948 to 1951, the Manukota-Mulugu-Warangal area became a battle ground for guerrillas and Nehru’s military. Many number of leaders, organisers and squads came to this area from Suryapet and continued the resistance.
    After police action in 1948 the people of Suryapet area were on the move in hundreds and thousands. One village after another had confiscated food grains from the landlords who were punished earlier. They confiscated newly 10 thousand bags of paddy from some other landlords who joined hands with congress police.
The agricultural labourers conducted many a struggle and were able to get an increase in their wages in Nalgonda and Suryapet taluks. They sold the food grains of landlords to the people at a price fixed by them. They created breaches and trenches in the roads to prevent the movement of the military.
    This area was encircled by five to six thousand strong military. It tortured the people and raped women and murdered scores of people. This ferocious military attack created great loss to the Party organisation. It became necessary for the important cadre and squads to withdraw into forest areas. In this situation the landlords tried to re-occupy the lands from peasants. In some places they succeeded and in some places people resisted those landlords. The people eagerly waited for the activists and squads. They waited for the return of the squads.
    They came to know that the squads were re-organised and they were taking action against landlords and union military. So their initiative was unleashed. At some places they occupied the lands taken away by the landlords. They chased away the goons of the landlords.
    The strikes of agricultural labourers were conducted in 90 villages taking Yellandu as Centre. The Girijans revolted against the military.
    In Garla-Pakala area, to prevent the movement of the military, more than thousand people dug trenches across the roads. In the forest and mountain ways boulders were placed, they cut the trees and placed them across the roads. There was a continuous fight between the military and the people for twenty continuous days. The removal of the boulders and trees by the military and people placing them again repeated for three times.
    Girijans resisted the atrocities of the police on women. They resisted the military with wooden pestles and mirchi powder. The movement spread up to the river Godavari and Mulugu, Parakala and Gundala area. Union military unleashed severe attacks on this area; yet, the people valiantly resisted. They confiscated 900 bags of food grains from landlords and destroyed 13 hundred bags in forty villages. They destroyed the roads and took action against the police agents.
    In 1950, 13 thousand acres of government and forest lands were occupied and three thousand bags of rice were distributed.

Adilabad District

    The movement was extended to Chennur and Sirpur area beyond the river Godavari. The government had followed the policy of encirclement and suppression. Upto 1951 every day the Nehru government deployed additional military. In dry season, it organised 250 attacks on the villages. The military kept watch around the clock on every drinking water point. It killed 16 people and apprehended 13 guerrillas only. It implemented Brigg’s plan of vacating the villages. This plan became inevitable to the enemy to prevent people’s cooperation to guerrillas. Yet, the people of the remaining 30 villages searched for the ways to escape from this Brigg’s plan. They faced the military attacks. People carried on counter attacks by moving constantly and protecting themselves from the enemy and striking the enemy whenever possible. They led almost the life of guerrillas and thus were hand in hand to the party guerrillas. About 40 people, including women, joined the regular guerrilla squads from them.
    Female guerrillas exhibited special skill as couriers. They became experts in using guns and shooting at the enemy in a steady and cool manner. Two were elected as sub-commanders of squads.
    In two taluks, people confiscated the food grains from landlords and destroyed the revenue records and mortgage deeds. They occupied the government lands, forest lands and lands in the possession of landlords and cultivated them.
    By the end of July 1951, people of 48 villages participated in 44 anti-landlord actions. They confiscated the paddy and other provisions. They destroyed those items which they were not able to distribute. The people kept in police camps under Brigg’s plan used to send information to the party squads about the movements of the enemy. The people of 20 villages, who escaped from the police camps, resided in the safer areas of forest and co-operated with the squads. There are some more incidents like this. A member of the provincial committee came to this extended area and organised the people.

Bhongir Area

    Most of the leadership of this area was arrested. Some leaders became martyrs due to the betrayal of traitors. In spite of this the movement and squads were re-organised according to the direction given by the provincial committee in the eastern part of Bhongir area.
    People continued the cultivation of the land that they had occupied. The strikes of agricultural labourers were organised. Enemies of people were dealt with according to the situation. Poor peasants and agricultural labourers joined the movement as militants and followed the discipline strictly; methods of secrecy and tech. The people whole heartedly co-operated.
    As the military attacks intensified, the squads extended from the safe area to Ibrahimpatnam taluk. They established contacts with the struggle area and continued the resistance. Squads were re-organised in the Western Bhongir which was completely damaged. Whenever the attacks were intensified, they used to reach the safe zones and continue the resistance as the intensity of the attacks is lowered. If we depend upon the people and follow revolutionary organisational methods, we can extend the movement while protecting the already achieved victories-this is the valuable lesson from the re-organising effort in this area.

Khammam-Kothagudem-Palvancha Area

    After the police action, all the important squads of this area reached to safe zones. After establishing contact with the leadership the squads again started their work in this area. Though the leadership of the party in this area had degenerated and was infidel, the local comrades strove hard to organise the resistance according to the guidance received from the state committee. This revival had influenced the movement in the neighbouring taluks. In Tiruvuru taluk which was adjacent to this area, though majority of the leadership was arrested, the resurgence of the people did not abate.
    As a result of the military attacks in 1948-49, only two squads with membership of 25 to 30 and four organisers remained in the plain areas.
    The party organisation was to be rebuilt. Squads were re-organised with three members in plain areas and five members in forest areas. Contact with most of the movement was extended to 200 villages in Palvancha, Eastern Yellandu and Madhira areas.

Upsurge in People’s Struggles Again

    Agricultural workers and dhobis struck work many a time. Paddy from the godowns of landlords was confiscated and distributed.
    The party organisation was strengthened with the joining of youth and women from the poor and landless peasants. Zonal Committees were formed in Palvancha, Wyra, Vemsur, Paleru, Madhira, Yellandu and Proddutur.
    The party took steps to control the military attacks. People organised lightening attacks on military. Though police camps were present, squads secretly resided in the villages and killed landlords and their agents.

Forest Area

    The party established relations with forest area right from the beginning of the guerrilla struggle. It won the hearts of the Girijans. On the other hand, the Union military used Brigg’s plan, in which people were vacated from the villages and herded together in specially set up camps. Gadepadu camp was one of them. In this camp, ten thousand Koya tribe people died of cholera. Instead of providing medical relief, the Union military shot down three thousand people. Eighteen party comrades died of cholera.
    In Allapalli camp military killed 120 people and party comrades. Aerial attacks were made. Even though this reign of terror continued, the people’s movement did not abate. The strikes of agricultural labourers and farmhands were on the rise.
    After the squads extended to forest region, village and forest officers and other corrupt officials fled from the area. The Girijans occupied forest camp lands and cultivated the newly acquired lands. New light had dawned in the social lives of Girijans. Many of the youth and women joined in the squads. Nearly 200 Girijan youth joined the movement in this area as couriers and organisers.
    Party activities extended into villages of Gond people in Adilabad district and Koya people in Warangal and Khammam districts. Cadres, leaders and squads withstood many difficulties in these areas. The party squads faced with the scarcity of food and drinking water and harsh weather of winter and rainy seasons. Diseases like malaria and cholera disturbed them. With limited resources, the squads in semi-plain areas faced many hardships in facing the attacks of the enemies. Both men and women cadres faced these difficulties with comradely spirit. The strength lies in the cause of revolution.


    People were jubilant over the end of Nizam-rajakar rule. The people’s movement in Karimnagar faced setbacks during 1947-49 period. After the arrest of the leadership, the people and cadre waited for the leadership. The resistance movement against the army of Nehru in neighbouring districts gave impetus to them. The provincial committee leadership had sent organisers and three squads to this area. The oppressed peasants and agricultural labourers extended a wholehearted welcome to them.
    There was no other alternative than taking offensive action on the landlords. People confiscated food grains and other properties of landlords and occupied their bungalows. Some bungalows were erased to the ground. They killed 16 policemen and 16 goondas and landlords. In an attack on Sircilla police station, they released innocent people from the lock-up and confiscated rifles, bullets and gunpowder.
    With this thousands of poor people came in to the streets and attacked class enemies on a large scale. They welcomed the squads of the Communist Party. On the other hand the tyrannical landlords, exploiters and pettandars lived with great fear. Some of them fled from the villages.
    The people of Siricilla, Nimmapalli, Bantupalli, Gaalipaali, Yernapalli centres took action on the landlords. They confiscated their paddy and other properties in Jagityal, Bhimavaram and other places. The fort houses were erased to the ground.

Nizamabad and Medak

    The effect of Karimnagar movement influenced these districts. The people of Reddypet and Annavaram welcomed the squads and told them:
    “Zagirdar sucked our blood. We hoped that our hardships would come to an end with the ‘Jai Hind’ (Congress) government. On the contrary, our difficulties increased. Show us the path. Teach us the methods of fighting the enemy. Don’t be afraid of police attacks. We are all united. No one will give away information about you to the police. We will take all the precautions for your protection”.
    The squads responded to this appeal of people. They conducted attacks on landlords and confiscated and burnt their properties. Immediately afterwards the police unleashed repression on the people. People gave all protection to squads. The squads made lightening attacks on the military. The people resisted police and stopped payment of land tax to government, land rent to landlords and the levy imposed on collection of forest produce.
    In the same way, the people took retaliatory measures on the Zamindars of Vannazpet, Chimalapalli, and Garjanapalli and goondas of Khasimpet. Within three months the upsurge of the people was extended to 400 villages. 300 villages were in close contact. With the tactics of united front, the rich peasants and small businessmen were attracted to the side of revolutionary movement.
    As the military intensified its attacks, the people’s resistance also grew. The people thwarted all the attempts of military to re-build roads for the movement of their vehicles. In Nizamabad district all the roads leading to villages were breached and trees were cut and placed across the roads. They put up sign boards which warned that ‘those who cross that limit will die’.
    The party took offensive actions to liquidate the strength of the enemy and attacked Nimmapalli police station. They conducted many attacks on troops in Yernapalli forest and gave a hard blow to their morale.
    The enthusiasm of the people grew; many more number of youth joined the squads. In the midst of police attacks, people harvested the crops standing on landlords’ lands and confiscated food grains. Party conducted meetings in the villages explaining the task of democratic revolution and programme of the party. Programmes like hoisting the red flags also continued.
    In a report sent to the PC centre, the Secretary of that Area Committee explained how the movement influenced various classes. The frightened landlords agreed to the demands of the people and promised to act according to the policy of land distribution. The rich peasants, who had no other alternative than accepting the party’s programme, remained neutral and stopped buying lands. The middle-class peasants felt liberation from oppression and were confident that they were free from any kind of fear. They were extending all co-operation and help to the party. The poor peasants felt completely free. They were thinking about the landlords’ land and properties that were yet to be taken into possession by the people. They were prepared to act under the leadership of the party. The agricultural labourers were jubilant. They felt that they were liberated from tyranny of landlords. The party took seriously the task of concentrating on the consolidation of these forces.
    Though the police attacks created terror, people in the struggle areas showed strong will to fight. They did not allow the government to function; the powers of forest officials were set aside and the people freely utilised forest resources. Several measures to curtail the extension of the movement in this area were taken by the government. It confiscated all the boats in River Godavari and used Home Guards for surveillance on the banks of the river. Yet, the movement was extended to Manthena, Chennur, Nelipur and to the coal mines of Bellampalli. The peoples’ resistance was continued.
    The party worked among the Gond tribal people according to the situation. As a result of past revolts; the government appointed Gonds as village officers and distributed some barren lands. The cadre worked patiently to gain their confidence and attracted them towards the revolutionary movement. Exaggerating certain mistakes of the party, the enemy tried to create apprehensions among the Gond people; but, the party cadre patiently explained the matters and gained the confidence of Gond people.
    The revolutionary actions of people began. Lands were distributed; land records were destroyed; people resisted police attacks. The people showed enthusiasm to fight to end the oppression and this situation prevailed in all the areas to which the movement extended.

On the Banks of River Krishna:

Huzurnagar, Miryalagudem, Devarakonda and Achampeta
    The leadership of Huzurnagar area had illusions on Nehru’s police action. As a consequence, it did not take measures to protect the achievements of the struggle. It took an attitude that normalcy would be restored as a result of police action, while the squads kept their weapons aside and lied low. Despite this rightist deviation and direction from the area leaders, the members of squads and lower cadres clearly understood the situation after police action. As the return of landlords and Deshmukhs grew with the help of military, the squads reorganised themselves and took defensive measures.
    The area leadership firmly put forward a revisionist line. Until the new situation arose in broader areas on an all India plane, partial and economic struggles and secret party building should be continued-this was their line. It did not consider the problem such as how to face the repression, how to protect the achievements of struggle, how to save the party and mass organisations etc. Their line leads to inaction, escapism and surrender.
    The conditions were different from the policies of area leadership. This was clear in the report sent by the secretary of Tadikamalla zone:
     “As soon as the people came to know that the landlords are returning to the villages with the help of military; they hoisted Red Flags in their villages and showed their determination.
    “The police intensified their attacks in Tadikamalla zone. Two thousand strong military came down heavily upon the people to terrorise them; but the people did not lose their confidence. Guerrilla squads attacked police camps and killed policemen. The people distributed among themselves the food grains of landlords; they destroyed their tobacco crops, confiscated their harvests and fought for wage increase.
    “The military intensified its repression on people as they resisted. The military continued repression in zone after zone. Yet, the people withstood it. According to the situation the squads retreated some times, and moved forward at other times. People extended full co-operation to squads. The members of squads mingled with the people, participated in the daily activities and formed into a squad when time came to conduct an attack on police. With the killing of Patel of Chalakurti by the squad, the other village officers became submissive.
    “The number of police and military camps were increased. So it became inevitable to take precautionary measures and so the squads retreated to safer areas. Emboldened with this, the police and landlords started to harass the people through arrests. Once again agents appeared in the field.
    “In this situation the area leadership insisted on keeping our weapons in secret places. Our argument that we cannot save the lives of 30 exposed activists of Tettagunta area, unless we provide them with weapons, was brushed aside by the leadership. As a result of this most of the comrades were arrested and tortured.
    “These policies of area leadership had emboldened the landlords and their agents, and caused many losses to the revolutionary movement. In Phattepuram, Nereducharla, Vijayanagaram, Tadikacharla, Ramasamudram and other villages of Munagala area, the people retaliated landlords and their agents and refused to abandon the achievements of the struggle and to give information about the communists. In Devarakonda and Miryalaguda areas, the affection towards the party, the hatred towards landlords and the determination showed by the people strengthened the viewpoint that we should fight the military to the end.
    “Even then the area leadership steam rolled its revisionist policy of conducting partial struggle, hiding the weapons and stopping actions against landlords and police.”
    These policies brought disastrous results. The same report continues thus:
    “Though the local comrades discussed and decided to take action on certain goondas and agents, the Area Committee overruled it. Frustrated with this attitude, the local comrades took action against notorious landlords and agents in Alagapuram and Nereducharla villages. Under unavoidable circumstances we resorted to these actions. We are to be ruthless towards the enemy. At the same time, before taking action we have to advise the exposed comrades to take safety measures. Otherwise the enemy would kill them.
    “In this situation, the provincial Committee intervened and reorganised guerrilla squads. It took action on the enemy with the full co-operation of the people. The enemy fled from the area.”
    With the intervention of Provincial Committee, the movement and party in this area were again put on the rails of the armed guerrilla struggle. In the meantime, goonda forces were strengthened in some centres. The squads conducted attacks on these centres and killed some of the goondas. The people were able to protect their achievement in Chalakurthi, Matampalli, Kapugallu, Adavi Devulapalli, Nereducharla, Kondaprolu, and in Miryalagudem area Bothalapalem, Vadapalli, Nidigallu of Devarakonda taluk and almost all the villages in Huzurnagar mandals.
    The people of Lambada and Chenchu tribes had shown utmost confidence in the party, participated in the struggle and extended all the co-operation to squads.
    It was crystal clear that the people’s opinion was in favour of fighting against Nehru’s military. The initiative shown by the people after struggle against the military amply proved this point. As a result of this, the initiative of the people of those villages which were complacent after police action, was again unleashed in Nalgonda district.

Amarabad Area

    Movement was extended to this area of Mahabubnagar district. As a result of arguments for withdrawal of struggle, the party and squads could not revive the activities at a right time. They could not extend into forest area. But the people are ready to receive the party positively because of its influence in the other areas. As the party rejuvenated its work, the people had fought the enemy and protected their achievements of anti-Nizam struggle. Despite the terror tactics of the enemy, the people had extended all co-operation to the party and the movement. The enemy hatched several plans to prevent the strengthening of the party and again victimised the people with their terrorist activities.
    Yet people extended their whole hearted cooperation to the guerrilla squads. Guerrilla fighting continued. The squads took action on police, home guards, goondas and landlords in the villages of Konnagula, Mudinepalli, Pamparanipalli, Bommanapalli, and Tirumalapuram of Achampeta (Amarabad).
    The squads and party organisers reached this area in 1950. The landlords were frightened with the people’s upsurge, which was the result of the influence of struggle that was going on in other parts of Telangana. This area faced the problem of scarcity of gunpowder and higher level party organisers. The main problem was in the building of party organisation in tune with the peoples upsurge.

Kurnool and Guntur

    The party made intentional efforts in Kurnool and Guntur district which lie on the right bank of the River Krishna. It established contacts with people and developed Nallamala forest for defensive purpose. Members were recruited from these districts for joining the squads in Telangana region. Leading comrades were sent to Telangana. Actions were taken against oppressive forces in the border areas of Kurnool forest in December 1950. By attacking the forest guards and home guards and landlords they acquired shotguns and burmars. In June 1951, the squad raided on the police station of Gadivemula of Nandikotkur taluk and confiscated eight rifles and 130 bullets. The wicked among the landlords were punished. The people could freely use forest. People were organised to solve the food scarcity and the food grains of the landlords were distributed. People braved the police repression and saved the squads.
    Palnadu and Sattenapalli taluks of Guntur district were located between the river Krishna and Nallamala forest and used as a protection abode for Telangana squads. The Guntur district communist committee rose the peoples’ consciousness against the oppression of landlords, exploitation by forest officers and injustices committed by village officers and the police. After learning that the government was going to take possession of firearms from the landlords to prevent the snatching of firearms by communist guerillas; Sattenapalli guerrilla squad confiscated 70 rifles from landlords.
    Vinukonda taluk in Guntur district and Markapuram Taluk of the then Kurnool district were adjacent to the Nallamala forest. Forty rifles were snatched away after attacking Pullala Cheruvu police station. Notorious landlords were punished in Vinukonda taluk. The people were made conscious of and were organised with the aim of providing protection to Telangana peasant revolutionary movement. The leading cadres and squad members for this area were allotted from Guntur, Tenali, Repalle, Baptala, Ongole, Kanigiri, Podili, Darisi, Nandikotkuru, Atmakur and Nandyal areas.

Vikarabad - Thandur

    The movement extended to this area by the end of 1950. The people waged struggles against the collection of levy of food grains, and collection of taxes by the revenue, against the atrocities of police, village officers and landlords. They waged struggles for the lands occupied by landlords and for increase of wages of agricultural labourers and achieved partial success.
    The movement was extended to 300 square miles. The enemy did not relish the victories and the extension of people’s movement. The enemy unleashed a reign of terror. The police caught and killed agricultural labourers harijan Yellappa and harijan Lalappa and other youth and peasants. The squads took revenge with the cooperation of the people against those who were responsible for these attacks. The people destroyed the land records, snatched away rifles from the police and home guards and severely beat the landlords and agents.
    After the withdrawal of Telangana peasant armed struggle, Com. Torati Laxmana Murthy was arrested and killed by the police. He belonged to Torredu village in Ramachandrapuram taluk of East Godavari district. He was sent to this area for the extension of the movement.


    After the police action, party activities were extended to Kalvakurthy, NagarKurnool and Kollapur taluks. In nine villages people abolished exorbitant land rents and raised the wages of labourers.

The Role of Workers, Students and Middle Class

    They stood in support of the great Telangana peasant armed struggle. In March 1949, in Hyderabad the workers of Praga Tools and Iron & Steel struck work for two months, for their professional and economic demands. Posters were displayed with the demands that Nehru’s military should quit Telangana and people’s democratic government should be formed with peasants, workers and other classes. Red flags were hoisted.
    Immediately after the police action, the workers of Bellampalli coal mines led the people in attacking the fort-houses of landlords. The greedy traders and landlords were punished. On September 1949, Nine thousand workers struck work and marched in the streets of Hyderabad demanding the abolition of death sentences to the heroic fighters of Telangana. Hyderabad state transport workers struck work to protest the murder of Com. Ganapati by the police. The workers of oil mills, municipal and public works employees joined with them. The Socialist Party also gave a call for workers strikes in protest of the repression. Warangal Azamjahi mill and 22 other factories joined the strike. Students marched with black flags in Hyderabad to protest the declaration of Nizam as ‘Rajpramukh’ by the Indian government. The students of Warangal and Karimnagar also organised protest marches and anti Nehru government processions by including their academic demands.
    In May 1949 the subordinate engineers and PWD Hyderabad government employees federation fought for the resolution of their problems. Those journalists who showed solidarity to these struggles were lathi charged and arrested. Youth waged struggles against executions and repression. They became victims of suppression.
    All these struggles had helped the Telangana armed peasant movement. Though these struggles were of relatively low level in extent and depth, their political importance is not less prominent.

The Role of Andhra and Rayalaseema Districts

    The peasant movements in coastal districts, which were then part of Madras presidency, and which had sowed the seeds of this movement had not reached to the stage of guerrilla struggle. Yet they continue as militant struggles waged against feudalism challenging the power and authority of the landlords. The political spirit of these movements helped a lot in building revolutionary movement in Telangana. These movements attained more revolutionary character once the Telangana peasant movement reached the level of guerrilla armed struggle. There was a controversy whether these movements had a comprehensive orientation of building revolutionary movement or were they spontaneous ones. Whatever it might be, various social, political and economic struggles waged since 1935 had the communist goal; they had revolutionary class struggle orientation. Certain aspects like how the revolution would be brought, were dealt in general manner and were not concretised. In the process of building the Telangana peasant revolutionary movement and practicing Marxism-Leninism they could find a path and the process of owning this path by several people had begun.
    The anti-feudal struggles in Krishna district were extended to the Western border area which was adjoining to Telangana. These struggles sowed revolutionary seeds in Telangana. The political effort that took place at Tunikipadu had sowed the first seeds.
    Serious class struggles were waged in the area adjoining the forest of Tiruvuru, Mylavaram and Nuzividu of Krishna district, Vinukonda, Sattenapalli and Palnadu of Guntur district; on both the sides of River Krishna in Nandigamma, Gannavaram, Divi and Vijayawada taluks in Krishna district, Guntur, Tenali, Repalle and Sattenapalli taluks of Guntur district; Kothapatnam, Chirala, Bapatla, Cherukupallli along the sea coast of Guntur and Krishna districts; Machilipatnam, Kaikalur in Krishna district; Narasapuram and Bhimavaram in West Godavari district and Amalapruam, Kottapet, Razolu, Ramachandrapuram, Kakinada and Tuni and adjacent taluks of East Godavari district; Narsaraopet in Guntur district, Gudivada in Krishna district, Tanuku in West Godavari, Rajamhundry and Peddapuram in East Godavari districts. Many political movements were also conducted in these areas. Yelamanchili, Anakapalli, Visakha taluks of Visakha district and Mandasa, Barua, Sompeta taluks of Srikakulam district also witnessed many class struggles and political movements. In Nellore district also many class struggles were waged in Darisi, Kanigiri, Kandukuru, Kavali, Atmakur, Venkatagiri and Nellore taluks. In the Rayalaseema districts of Ananthapur, Kurnool, Cuddapah and Chittoor, the class struggles were organised. In the adjoining areas of Nallamala and Yerramala forest, anti-feudal class movements were conducted. The political, organisational work which provided support and defence to the struggle of Telangana was continued here. The main centres of the movement were Ananthapur, Tadipatri and Gutti of Ananthapur district whereas in Kadiri, Penugonda partial class struggles took place. Class struggles took place in Nandikotkur, Atmakur, Nandyal, Kurnool, Markapuram, Kambham and Pathikonda taluks in the then Kurnool district; Class movement was built in Pulivendula, Kamalapuram, Cuddapah, Proddutur, Rajampet taluks. Several struggles took place in Madanapalli, Kuppam and in Cuddapah district.
    Several struggles took place in Madanapalli, Kuppam, Putthur, Srikalahasti, Chittoor in Chittoor district. The party led the peasants and workers in many class struggles in Bellary, Kolar and Guntakal areas which are in the border of Karnataka and in Yemmiganur and Adoni of the then Bellary district. Many tasks such as recruiting cadres and training them, securing weapons, finances and dens etc., were discharged by the party organisation in coastal and Rayalaseema regions. Strong movements of the oppressed classes were built.

Guerrilla Struggle Firmly Established

    The military sent by Nehru’s government tried to trample the victories achieved by the peasantry in their anti-feudal struggle. The revolutionary peasantry resisted this attempt under the leadership of the communist party and protected their victories inspite of fascist repression by thousands of military forces. The people waited for favourable conditions in villages where the military camps were set up and saved the squads and important cadres. The party took up the extension programme. Thousands of people were arrested and hundred were killed. Yet, the movement was extended by applying appropriate tactics.
    The backbone of tyrannical feudal lords was broken. The village panchayats had conducted all the matters. The union military tried to smash the organs of peoples’ power and establish old power. The people resisted these attempts. In the midst of police camps, these panchayats might have not discharged their duties in an efficient manner, but they made the committees function through direct and indirect methods. At certain times, they waited for the party contact to resolve certain critical problems. All the people, including the rich peasants respected party’s judgment. The problems were never referred to the government courts of law or to the congress offices by the people.
    The party fought against the policies of surrender and vacillation. It continuously educated the cadre on these trends.
    It took several measures to protect, consolidate and extend the achievements of the struggle. It re-organised the party and squads in those areas where there were setbacks. As a part of protecting the movement through extension to new areas, it allotted leading cadres and squads to those areas and built and trained new guerrilla squads.
    It maintained the continuous and relentless nature of party activities. It strived to develop maximum relations with the people, to develop their consciousness to higher level and thus kept them always active. In a most dedicated and unflinching manner, this effort was continued. It prepared the guerrilla squads for offensive acts on the enemy. At the same time, when the situation demanded a retreat, they behaved in a most responsible and brave manner.
    Our offensive acts struck a hard blow upon the morale of enemy forces and gave an impetus to the initiative of people and guerrilla squads. It educated the cadre and people on the relation between offensive and defensive acts. It conducted propaganda among the enemy forces explaining them the aims and targets of our movement and against which classes we were fighting. As a result, a situation arose that the top military brass did not trust the ordinary jawans.

Even though the party leadership lost contact with Suryapet, Janagama, Bhongir, Manukota, Nalgonda and Khammam etc., areas due to offensive attack by the enemy forces, the people were able to protect their achievements of struggle because of their resistance to the military and Deshmukhs who could not stay in villages without the presence of military. Whenever an opportunity was available people under the leadership of the party used to attack zamindars in ambush. Later when the guerrilla squads were reorganised this area became the centre of revolutionary movement with a strong base.

The party withdrew from this area in the initial phase of the police action not for saving the leadership; but to develop the guerrilla struggle and to extend the movement.

The Zamindars and enemy forces could only reside in the road side villages with some sort of peace.

A Geographical Picture of the Movement:

    Taking Surypet-Janagama road as the central point, towards the North, Warangal, Dharmasagaram, Pendyala, Bairanpalle; towards North East Narsampet, Manukota, Vardhannapet; towards East, Khammam, Venkatayapalem, Pindiprolu; towards South East Huzurnagar, Kodada, Madhira, Matampalli; towards the South, Chalakurthi, Adavidevulapalli, Alwal, Nandikonda; towards North East Munugode, Chanduru, Marapalli; towards the West Narayanapur, Gundrampalli, Pochampalli, Bibinagar, Bhunvangiri and towards North West Kolanupaka, Rajpet, Pochampet, Cheryala. The area which was in the middle of these eight directions was the strongest revolutionary base. It was red area.
    The movement was also strong, though relatively smaller in area, around Vemulawada and Sircilla in Karimnagar district.
    Basing on these two centres, in 1948 the movement extended after the police action. The strategy and tactics adopted by the Provincial Committee were implemented only after the government arrested hundreds of cadre, leadership and thousands of people. As a result of this the mass base, cadre and squads had grown in strength. The people were prepared for resistance.
    From the central area of the revolution and from coastal and Rayalaseema districts steps were taken to strengthen the movement covering the area of the following villages:
In the North :
    Beyond the Godavari River Nirmal, Bellampalli, Chennur in Adilabad district.
In the Northeast :
    Manthena, Mahadevpur, Mangapet, Bayyaram, Pagideru, Parnasala, Burgumpaadu, Jeediguppa, of this side of Godavari as a border.
In the East :
    Rudrakshapalli, the border of West Godavari district, Jeelugumilli, Dammapet.
In the Southeast:
    Thiruvuru, Mylavaram, Penuganchiprolu, Veerulapadu.
In the South:
    The villages of Sattenapalli, Palanadu talukas which are a border to the Krishna river.
In the Southwest:
    Amarabad, Yellendu, Telakapalli, Amangal, Kolhapur, Chandragutta, Arimeta Chelaka, Vinukonda, Markapuram, border villages of Nandikotkur taluka, Veldurthi, Pullala Cheruvu.
In the West :
    Vikarabad, Sadasivapet, Narsapur.
In the Northwest:
    Thimmapur, Bikanur, Kamaredddy, Balakonda.

    The guerrilla fighters made supreme sacrifices to make the movement firmly take roots in the Godavari valley, Krishna, Guntur, Mahabubnagar and Kurnool districts. They developed fighting tactics in their battle against Nehru’s military forces. The military was afraid of entering the guerrilla areas. The jawans started to understand the aims of the movement and started to sympathise with it. The revolutionaries became adopted to living under the difficulties and hardship. The people, party comrades and families were steeling themselves to long term repression.
    The party and people were fully prepared to face difficulties of a long drawn armed struggle. The Guerrilla squads strived hard to establish a guerrilla zone in an area of forty thousand square miles having ten million population. This movement had great influence on the rest of India and was closely observed by the people of the world.
    The armed struggle initially against Nizam and then against the Nehru’s military forces between 1946-51 had surged forward amidst many ups and downs. It tasted many losses and weaknesses. It continued steadily amidst the inner party problems of political, theoretical and organisational nature and the trend of surrender. It moved forward steadily with confidence amidst ruthless struggles against the vacillators, politically bankrupt elements and agents of enemy.
    Exactly at this phase of the movement, venomous bite of betrayal struck it. What were the bankrupt theories of this venomous bite? Why the movement could not escape this bite? How the bite was executed? - These are the questions that are facing today’s generation of revolutionaries. The responsibility of answering these questions and drawing proper lessons from the valuable experiences of the glorious movement rests with the communist revolutionaries. Only when CRs discharge this duty purposefully, Peoples Democratic Revolution in India will surge forward.


    Since 1940, the Communist party brought the people into action and developed their consciousness step by step. It played an active role through various mass organisations, particularly the Andhra Mahasabha.
    At the ideological plane, it has drawn a clear cut line of demarcation between Gandhism and Marxism-Leninism.
    It waged relentless struggle against the bourgeois reformism in Andhra Mahasabha. It organised the peasants on an anti-feudal programme.
    It implemented with all dedication the principle of ‘to the people - from the people and again to the people.’
    It waged militant struggles after defeating legalism and reformism. It developed the consciousness of the need to establish people’s power. It acted upon the spontaneous movements and took steps to build organised movements.
    Though partial struggles on partial issues were organised, it took up issues of land and peoples power in order to sustain the movement and to take it to a higher level. It did not confine to partial struggles on partial issues. It gradually raised the level of people’s resistance by taking the land issue as central task. It adopted all means-from traditional weapons to firearms-as means of people’s resistance. It had built and trained the armed resistance squads to fight the enemy according to the level of the movement, and gradually developed the people’s resistance to the level of guerrilla struggle. The weapons were mainly acquired from the enemy.
    In building the movement it linked the efforts of concentration and extension of work. From the grassroot level to the higher level, it implemented the organic relation between the concentration of work and extension of work. It strived to develop the political, cultural and economic level of the people. For this purpose, it used propaganda, agitation and resistance. It criticised and corrected the trends of showmanship, lack of concreteness and individualism. It also corrected the wrong trends of sectarianism and individualism that raised their heads due to heroic actions. It criticised and corrected the defeatism and inaction that usually rise when there are no quick victories or when facing setbacks.
    It developed the discipline, and the methods of secrecy that are necessary for the protection of movement and peoples struggle. It linked the open activity with secret activity. It followed the tactics of united front in building the movement. At the same time it fought against right opportunism, surrender and liquidationism. It was able to attract the middle classes and small businessmen. It was also able to keep some of the rich peasants till the end on the side of the movement. It attracted many number of artists, writers, intellectuals and democrats and utilised their support and abilities for the development of movement.
    Even though it did not forget the task of organising the working class as the leader and whatever may be the reasons for its failure in this task, it could not concentrate on this task sufficiently.
    At every stage of the movement and in the midst of brutal repression by the enemy, it gave anti-feudal and anti-government programme to the people. It formulated the tasks for the protection of achievements of people’s struggle. It formulated the appropriate programme when the movement extended to new areas. It skillfully implemented the tactics of continuously keeping the people in active phase on the move amidst repression. It firmly adhered to the principle of not isolating from the people.
    The Telangana peasant armed struggle was not only for overthrowing the rule of Nizam; but also for the abolition of feudalism and for establishment of people’s democratic state. As a continuation of this the struggle against the Army of Nehru was continued in the second stage.
    The struggle waged against Nizam and Union government was for the establishment of people’s democracy and abolition of feudalism.
    The inner party struggle was started to fight against the trends of surrender, disruption and illusions on the government. Such forces had appeared in all the districts. At the central level, they openly came out and resorted to disruption. Even then, the people, mass organisations and party committees in Andhra, Rayalaseema and Telangana stood on the side of Telangana armed struggle and supported it. The revolutionary people’s movement of Telangana dawned as a morning star of the Peoples’ Democratic Revolution in India.

Victory of the Revolution Assured!

Red Salute to Martyrs!

[This extensive article “The Glorious Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle and its Valuable Experiences” published in 3 parts in the July, August and September 2023 issues of Class Struggle is written depending on the books and articles written by Com. DV, Com. P.Sundarayya, Com. Chandra Rajeswara Rao, Com Ravi Narayana Reddy ,Com Bhimireddy Narsimha Reddy, Com Nalla Narsimhulu and utilising articles published in Prajasakti, Visalandra and Janasakthi on Telangana Armed Peasant Struggle.]


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