NAXALBARI PEASANTS STRUGGLE AND NEW ORIENTATION OF COMMUNIST MOVEMENT

The Indian Peasant masses recorded in the past several heroic struggles for their emancipation from the yoke of slavery and exploitative grip of Feudalism and Imperialism. In early period the struggles were spontaneous, without any conscious leadership with class ideology. After the historic November Revolution in Russia under the revolutionary Communist Leadership and formation of the Communist Party of India under the guidance of the THIRD COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL the peasants' struggles in India entered the arena of conscious class struggle with class Objective. The peasants' struggle in 'Hojang', which was spread out throughout Bengal with the demand of one Third Share of crops and thereafter in Telangana the peasants struggle and Kakdip with the endeavour to drive out the feudal Landlords from Lands were under the Leadership of the Communist Party of India. The peasant masses in the struggles of Telangana and Kakdip were induced to take up arms in hands and were imbibed with the thought of armed struggle. The Kakdip struggle was a follow up of Telangana Struggle in diminutive form. 

The Naxalbari Peasants struggle was much smaller in dimension than that of Telangana Presents Struggle. Then why the Naxalbari Peasants struggle bore special significance and importance and wider sensation? It was/is because of - 

* The struggle was erupted when the communist party/ies came in share of the state power, in a slice, through parliamentary election in West Bengal, Orientating an 'United Front Government' with a combination of 'Left Parties' and a dissenting wing of Congress. The newly formed CPI(M), which claimed to be 'revolutionary' opposite to 'revisionist' CPI, but sharing power with the revisionist', possessed the dominant voice in the Government. 

* The organizers of the peasant Front of CPI(M) in Darjeeling were in the Leadership of the peasants of Naxalbari in the struggle. The support to the struggle came from certain other leading cadres of CPI(M) of other front and places. The campaign in support of the struggle brought the issue before the people as open debate. 

* The CPI(M) Leadership condemned the struggle as 'prematured' and Left sectarianism or adventurism. They wanted surrender of the Leaders of the struggle to the police. 

* The theoretical proposition of the CPI(M) Leadership was that the peasants' struggle in other states was in immatured position and without simultaneous upsurge of peasants covering a considerable number of the states, the armed struggle of the peasants in a area would surely face disaster; and hence such step would be suicidal. 

Accordingly, the theoretical propositions of the CPI(M) Leadership were to be discarded by the Communist cadres, as Communist revolutionaries who stood up in support of the struggle of the peasants. Hence it became a serious ideological struggle in the Communist Polities and movement. The Communist Revolutionaries were to come out with the political proposition bearing revolutionary concepts. The new political propositions as evolved, were - 

* The theory of class 'upsurge' at a time to seize the state power by the proletariat, as happened in November Revolution in Russia would not operate as such in the present historical situation ; the Indian Revolution in its present stage of the Peoples' Democratic Revolution would generally be in the pattern of the Chinese Revolution - a long drawn struggle in the form of protracted civil war ; hence Mao Tsu Tung's concept of mass-based 'Peoples War' and of peasants struggle, with creation of rural 'base area' should be adopted; the 'Agrarian revolution would be the axis of the Revolution; the urban working class movement and other democratic movement should be shaped to strengthen the agrarian revolution; the working class would be considered as the Leader of the Struggle and should be trained for the purpose. 

* The objective of CPI(M) to achieve peoples Democratic Government with elimination of vested interests from the economy through parliamentary process would be a false illusion to the people ; A 'Revolution' would be necessary for creation of such Government. 

* The parliamentary polities of CPI & CPI(M) must be discarded and they should be considered as carriers of revisionism in Indian Communist movement. 

These propositions entailed the tasks of NEW ORIENTATION OF THE COMMUNIST MOVEMENT with revolutionary perspective. It would be shaped through development of new mass struggle. But this politics could not be blossomed in proper shape due to domination of certain erroneous thoughts or concepts to conduct revolutionary struggle. The concepts were : (1) To equipoise the class struggle with annihilation of class enemy with individual murder ; (2) To consider this annihilation of class enemy with individual murder as highest form of class struggle ; (3) To negative the role of class organisation ; (4) To abandon the mass organisation ; (5) To adopt individual - based - Guerrilla action as a substitute of class struggle ; (6) To deny the importance of urban movement and to for sake activities in working class front ; (7) to induce an idea of achieving 'liberation' of the toiling masses within shortest span of time through Guerrilla action ; (8) To adopt a wrong ideological concept taking 'Mao Tse Tungs' Thought in isolation depicting it as ‘highest stage of Marxism’ in the present day world. These concepts converted the new revolutionary politics to Terrorism and caused disaster on organisation. In my view, the timely intervention of the Communist Party of China, in appropriate manner could have saved the position. 

        The Communist Revolutionaries in India, having taken lesson from the mistaken thoughts and concept should reorganise the polities, which emerged in the context of the Naxalbari Peasants struggle for new revolutionary growth. It is evident that the Peoples Democratic Revolution in India has remained unfinished. An objective analysis of the present situation is necessary to play role in this Revolution. It is observed that all the ruling parties in India including the Communist Parties are now the open inventors of Imperialist capital in the economy of the country and the open supporters of the Native Big Capital in their ruthless exploitation of the mass. The main enemies of the Revolution are now the 'Friends' of the Ruling Parties. The imperialist capital and Native Big Capital, with mutual collaboration have obtained firm grip over the economy. The parliamentary governments are now tools in their hands. The powerful section of the rich peasantry are now in collaboration with these capitals. Hence the main objective of the Peoples Democratic Revolution is to smash these Vested interests. So the main blow should be hurled against the Imperialist Capital and Native Big capital and their political agents - the present parliamentary rulers, The masses of the people should be made conscious of this situation so that the main target of the peoples' movement will remain clear. The masses should be made free from the influence of CPI & CPI(M). The working class peasantry and the toiling masses should be led to new struggle. The rural masses should be organised strongly with creation of mass organisations. The village Panchayat should be considered as a part of 'State'. The movement should be organised against the Panchayat opposing and resisting imposition of rural taxes and for realisation of the demands of peasants and rural labouring people; and mass organisation should be created for the purpose, A PLATFORM FOR STRUGGLE AGAINST IMPERIALIST CAPITAL AND NATIVE BIG CAPITAL should be created. The Communist Revolutionaries must join together in this PLATFORM, commenting their unity with a view to develop new struggle of the masses. The new orientation of the Communist movement should be brightened. It will be the real remembrance of the NAXALBARI PEASANTS STRUGGLE. 

 

PARIMAL DASGUPTA 

Date : 24th May, 1997. 

 

Significance and Relevance of Naxalbari Peasant Revolutionary Movement

 (Paper presented in the All India Seminar held in Vijayawada on May 24th, 1997 in Commemoration of Martyrs of Naxalbari Peasant Revolutionary Movement) 

"A peal of spring thunder has crashed over the land of India. Revolutionary peasants in the Darjeeling area has risen in rebellion. Under the leadership of a revolutionary group of the Indian Communist Party, a red area of rural revolutionary armed struggle has been established in India. This is a development of tremendous significance for the Indian peoples revolutionary struggle".

Naxalbari-What it Means to Us?

1. Naxalbari is a struggle of historic significance.

It brought a revolutionary turn in politics and people's movement in India. It most effectively unmasked the neo-revisionist and class collaborationist politics of CPI (M) Leadership which surrendered to parliamentary politics. It forcibly brought the revolutionary path, the path of struggle on the agenda. It sharpened the contradiction and intensified the struggle between the revisionists and neo-revisionists on one side and the revolutionary forces on the other. It initiated the decisive break of Communist Revolutionaries from the neo-revisionists at the all India level.

2. Naxalbari is not just a name of an area in Darjeeling where the historic struggle has come up. It characterises a definite path-the path of struggle, the path of Agrarian Revolution. It provided rich experiences for the revolutionary movement in India. It symbolised the rising consciousness and readiness of our people for a basic change in the system. Naxlbari is Revolution.

Background of Naxalbari

1. International situation: It was a time when China was advancing in its socialist construction defying the imperialist blockade and revisionist sabotage. The CPC led by Mao held high the banner of revolutionary Marxism inside China and the world. The Great Debate it initiated and led, the firm support and solidarity it provided to the working class, oppressed nations and people of the world gave a great confidence, strength and impetus to withstand the onslaught of the exploiting ruling classes and imperialism. It exposed the betrayal and sabotage of the revisionists led by the Soviet Modern Revisionist Clique. It was a time when the fundamental contradictions of the world, more particularly, the contradiction between the oppressed nations and imperialism and the inter-imperialist contradictions were getting sharpened. It brought to the fore the contradiction between the oppressed nations and imperialism as the principal contradiction in the world. It was a time when the National Liberation Struggles, National Independence Movements and Peoples Revolutions in Asia, Africa and Latin America were on the upswing. The working class, the toiling masses, the students, youth, women, democratic and anti-war forces were on the path of struggle all through the world.

2. Situation in India: There was an all round economic crisis in the country. The plunder by the exploiting ruling classes and their imperialist masters had pushed the people into an abyss of misery, poverty and famine. This sharpened the contradiction between feudalism and broad masses of people, giving rise to a wave of revolt and struggles in various parts of the country. The growing anti-feudal struggles led to clashes and fights between the landlords and the landless, poor peasants. Rural India was awakening and presenting itself as a volcano ready to burst. The landless and poor peasants organised themselves in their class organisations took to militant forms of I struggle to achicve their immediate demands. The land 10 the tiller, seizure and distribution of land and the challenging of the power and authority of landlords came on the agenda giving the entire work among the masses and the struggle for the nights a revolutionary character. The conditions for an Agrarian Revolution were ripe in our country and the landless, poor peasants were ready to go into revolutionary action. 

The ruling classes in India were in a deep crisis. The gamble and dog fight for power got intensified: 'The omnipotent' Congress was decimated in many states and the ruling classes had to run for new combinations to perpetuate their rule. The discontentment among the masses was wide-spread and it led to a number of organised 11 and militant struggles. 

3. Betrayal of Neo Revisionists: Toeing to the line of Soviet Modern Revisionists, the CPI(M) leadership too shun and ran away from the path of struggle. This leadership which broke away from the revisionists in 1963-64, was, in the main, neo-revisionist in its ideological and political orientation. In spite this turn about by the leadership, vast sections of revolutionary ranks and even leaders continued to wage relentless ideological struggle so as to carry forward the task of completing New Democratic Revolution. 

The objective revolutionary conditions prevailing at the time provided the favourable political background for the revolution-oriented ranks and the sections of leadership to develop the class struggles and agrarian movements in several areas. The experiences of class struggle and revolutionary movements coupled with the struggle against revisionism and Modem Revisionism sharpened their commitment to the struggle.

Naxalbari, therefore, is the product of the objective revolutionary situation, of the struggle against revisionism and neo revisionism and the practice of class struggle and revolutionary orientation. Tebhaga - Telangana Precursor of Naxalbari 

1. Naxalbari took inspiration from the path of protracted peoples war pursued by the victorious Chinese Revolution, the people of Vietnam and the revolutionary movements in other colonial, semi colonial and semi-feudal countries. Also, it took inspiration from the great and heroic revolutionary peasant movements and armed struggles that had come up in Tebhaga (1946) and Telangana (1946-51). Naxalabari, thus, is a part and continuation of this revoltuionary heritage. 

2. Naxalbari developed as a result of consistent political, organisational and mass work for several years. The people agitated not only for minimum and immediate demands but also for maximum and basic ones. From issues like wage rise to the seizure and distribution of the landlord's lands, overthrow of their power and establishing the people's power were taken up in their struggle. They built up various mass organisations, the peasant organisations, in the main, and the one for self defence, apart from building the much needed party. In the whole course of struggle, open-secret, legal-illegal, non-violent-violent methods and forms of struggle-strike, protest rallies, armed mass demonstrations and armed defence (with conventional weapons, like bows and arrows, etc.) - were combined. The landless, poor peasants and other rural poor enmasse-women, children and people of all ages-have participated in thousands in these struggles. They had shown an exceptional revolutionary consciousness, preparedness, courage, resolve and unity in their fight against feudalism and the state. They refused to succumb to both sugar coated bullets as well as the real bullets used by the state and the revisionist, neo revisionist leaderships to contain and suppress the movement. 

3. Naxalbari exemplifies the revolutionary massline and is a result of concrete application of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thought. It followed the path of protracted people's war in accordance with the Indian conditions. 

4. The leadership of Naxalbari peasant revolutionary movement had to work in the face of many odds. It had to confront the stiff opposition from the state and central leadership of the party as they still worked within the party. Not only it had to fight revisionism and neo revisionism, but also guard the movement from the left sectarian forces who sought to divert the movement from the orientation of mass line. Though the struggle was in the upswing, it lacked in the initial stages much needed solidarity and support from the revolutionary struggles in the rest of the country. 

Significance of Naxalbari 

1. It most effectively brought to the fore the task of agrarian revolution- the main content of New Democratic Revolution. It taught us that the struggle for land, i.e.., the essence of agrarian revolution and the struggle for political power are inseparably linked. It asserted that Marxism Leninism Mao Tse Tung Thought the guiding ideology of the oppressed in the world. It pointed out that the revolutionary situation was ripe and the people were ready for revolutionary action and to bring revolutionary changes when provided with a revolutionary leadership. It confirmed that revolution is not an act of heroism of a few individuals nor an adventurous act of a band of militants. Revolution is a movement of the conscious, organised and revolutionary masses led by the working class vanguard with the aim of overthrowing the present exploitative system and establishing a new society. It affirmed the need and importance of three weapons-party, Army and UF-for the success of revolution. The three weapons are inter-related and they must be developed all along the course of struggle of the revolutionary movement.

2. The Communists must be ready to use all forms of struggle and organisation necessary to raise the consciousness and organisational level of the people to higher stage, i.e., from the present level of ordinary resistance to the level for waging a protracted armed struggle. 

3. Naxalbari has proved that the working class and the peasantry are natural allies and the New Democratic Revolution can be completed only with a firm worker-peasant alliance.

Naxalbari-A New Ray of Hope 

1. Naxalbari has given an impetus and a political direction to the peasant, girijan revolutionary movements like Srikakulam that were already developing at that time. It inspired many peasant revolutionary movements in Debra-Gopiballabhpur, Mushahari, Lakhimpur-Kheri, Bhojpur, Khammam, Warangal, East Godavari and other areas. It became a source of inspiring various sections of our people in their struggles. It aroused a powerful solidarity and democratic movement drawing thousands of dedicated youth, women, students, middle class sections and intelligentsia fighting hand in hand with workers and peasants for the fulfillment of revolution in India. 

2. We still look for a comprehensive review of the Naxalbari Peasant Revolutionary Movement from the comrades who led this movement. As for us, we firmly are of the opinion that Naxalbari has an important significance for the path of Indian revolution, i.e. the path of Agrarian Revolution. It confirms the need and role of mass organisations and also for the adoption of necessary forms of struggle keeping in mind the level of the movement. 

3. A correct understanding of Naxalbari can be arrived at only when we go into its weaknesses, i.e., when it drifted from the correct mass line to the line of individual annihilation of class enemies. This line denies the decisive role and participation of masses in making the revolution. This adventurist line ultimately isolated the movements from the people and the rest is known. 

4. It is an undeniable fact that Naxalbari spread like a prairie fire. It is also a fact that it faced a setback. Our failure to probe into the ideological and political roots has caused tremendous harm to the revival and advancement of the movement. Also, we succumbed to the phenomenon of splits, instead of rising ourselves to admit and accept where Naxalbari went wrong.

Relevance Today of Naxalbari 

Our people continue to reel under the semi-colonial and semi-feudal system and the rule of comprodar bourgeoisie-landlord classes. The imperialist powers are busy in their attempts to re-colonise the world in new form in the name of globalisation, liberalisation, and its IMF WB, WTO, MNCs. With the growing and naked aggression of imperialism, the task today to fight imperialism has become more imperative. So to break the shackles of imperialism, comprodar bourgeoisie and landlord classes, the people of India have no alternative but to follow the path of Naxalbari, the path of Agrarian Revolution, the path of protracted peoples war. With all its ups and downs and setbacks, Naxalbari still remains the torch bearer of revolution for the masses of our country. The introduction of the capitalist mode of production, known as Green Revolution in some areas of Punjab, Haryana, Western UP, Maharastra, A.P. has not fundamentally affected the production relations. The vast parts of our rural India continue to reel under feudalism.

The legislations such as Land Ceiling Act have remain sealed on paper. Only a few states have carried of semblance of land reforms. On the contrary, land grabbings by the landlords, big business and MNCs have increased in an alarming manner pushing thousands of landless and poor peasants into the already existing immense army of unemployed. 

Private armies and goondas of landlords backed by the State roam around freely in the villages imposing their rule at gun-point in Bihar, UP and A.P., etc.

In A.P. the existence of article 1/70 which assures the land owning rights to girijans is only an eye wash. The girijans are today victims of the growing attacks from the plain area landlords. The state turning a nelson's eye to these attacks. 

Thus, from the above facts, we can assert that the relevance of Naxalbari today remains as essential in its content and orientation as in 1967 with the Agrarian Revolution as the main axis of our revolution.

The experience of Tebhaga, Telangana, Punnapra-Vailar, Mogha, Naxalbari, Srikakulam, Debra- Gopiballabhpur, Mushahari, Lakhimpuri-Kheri, Bhojpur, East Godavari, Godavari Valley and many other peasant revolutionary movements confirm that the revolutionary mass line is the only correct path of struggle-however difficult it might be-to lead our people to victory.

Comrades,

We have come a long way inspite of all the onslaught by the enemy. Comrades, let us not forget that Naxalbari belongs to all of us. Thousands have laid down their lives and we owe to them to carry the struggle forward. This demands from all of us an objective and dispassionate approach. We may have been a victim of some wrong trends, mistakes and setbacks. Today, the peasant revolutionary movements and girijan movements are developing in many parts of our country. We have to lead, protect and develop them along the path of Agrarian Revolution and for a protracted peoples war. We must pursue this task keeping in mind the concrete conditions in the area and must be flexible in adopting the tactics to the level of movement. We need to be mature to go deep into the causes of present state of the movement by reviewing our 30 years of struggle experiences in various parts of the country. Let us resolve to close our ranks and live upto the expectations of our people at this moment, in this struggle. ELSE, History will not absolve us. Thirty years have been a long way. We need to act. Let Naxalbari continue to illuminate our path. 

                                             Follow the Path of Naxalbari!

Advance in Revolutionary Mass Line!!

Victory to Revolution!!!

 

With Revolutionary Greetings 

P.K.Murthy

GUIDELINES FOR MYSELF – ZHOU EN LAI

 March 18, 1943

1. Study diligently, grasp essentials, concentrate on one subject rather than seeking a superficial knowledge of many.
2. Work hard and have a plan, a focus and a method.
3. Combine study with work and keep them in proper balance according to time, place and circumstances; take care to review and systematize; discover and create.
4. On the basis of principles, resolutely combat all incorrect ideology in others as well as in myself.
5. Insofar as possible, make the most of my strengths and take concrete steps to overcome my weaknesses.
6. Never become alienated from the masses; learn from them and help them. Lead a collective life, inquire into the concerns of the people around you, study their problems and abide by the rules of discipline.
7. Keep fit and lead a reasonably regular life. This is the material basis for self-improvement.

 

Written at Hongyan in Chongqing during the rectification movement.

Remembering Com. Gurusharan Singh people’s writer Dramatist

    Com. Gurusharan Singh, the renowned cultural activist, dramatist and well wisher of people’s movements expired on 27^th Sept. 2011. He was born in Punjab in 1929. He took post-graduate degree in Chemistry and worked as a Cement Technician under the Punjab Govt. Besides that he was deeply attached with various progressive people’s movements through his dramas and songs.

    During  the construction of Bhakhara Nangal Dam, he closely observed the anti-people role of the govt. He wrote a very live drama upon the plight of the workers of the Project. Subsequently, he decided to go to the masses regularly with his dramas and songs. Up to 82 yrs. of age he wrote more than 175 dramas and hundreds of songs. His dramas were staged in most of the villages of Punjab. He also traveled in other parts of the country with his cultural troop. His drama, like Inqualab Jindabad, Gaddha and Dhamak Nagade Di became very popular in many parts of the country. He did many experiments in the forms and contents of his dramas and songs, which proved his excellence in the cultural field. His famous song – Ye Lal Farere Teri Kasm, Es Khoon Ka Badala Hum Lenge – is still sweltering the blood of the toiling masses of the country. He translated the famous International Song into Punjab language and presented it with a new impressive tune.

    His dramas and songs created a revolutionary zeal not only among the people of Punjab, but also of the country as a whole. He remained always in favour of democratic and revolutionary movements of the country. He strongly opposed the state repression on the people of Punjab during the Chief-Ministership of Gyani Zail Singh. So, he was arrested and sent to jail also. He vehemently opposed military suppression  of revolutionary and nationality movements, going on in different part of the country. August or September 2011 he came to Delhi, even after of his bad health, to raise voice against Operation Green Hunt and for the release of political prisoners.

    The real homage to Com. Gurusharan Singh can only be paid by adopting pro-people attitude and advancing democratic and revolutionary movements towards victory.

MAKE ALL INDIA GENERAL STRIKE OF WORKERS AND DELHI CHALO PROGRAMME OF PEASANTS ON NOVEMBER 26 and 27, 2020 – A SUCCESS

    The Central Committee of CPI (ML) extends its support and solidarity to the all India General Strike of Workers on Nov 26, 2020 and Delhi Chalo protest programme of peasants on Nov 26- 27, 2020 in defense of their just demands.   

    The Workers in our Country today are under unrestrained and ever intensifying attacks. BJP Govt. at the Centre is on an aggressive drive to take away whatever the rights the workers had won through decades of struggles. The voice of workers is being throttled. They are being reduced into living chattels and bonded labor. The banks, LIC, mines, railways, industries and natural resources, etc developed by the sweat and blood of our toiling people are being placed in the hands of imperialist and the Indian Corporate Companies to freely loot and suck the blood of workers and other toiling people.   The workers are forced to continuously tighten their belts, get crushed under the heavy wheel of the ever increasing costs of life. Ever worsening conditions of work and life and the endless attempts of rulers to shift the burdens of economic crisis are making the workers’ life unbearable and pathetic.  

    The peasants’ right over the land is under a devastating attack. Peasants are denied the remunerative price for their produce. The agriculture is destroyed and the peasants are pauperised. Here the Indian rulers have opened up the agrarian sector for an unlimited loot and control of the imperialists, Indian Corporate Houses and landlords by corporatizing the land and agriculture.Three recent anti – farmer and draconian Central laws are only a part of this all out onslaught on the peasants.

    Present all India protest actions of workers and peasants on November 26^th and 27^th are being coincided. It adds strength and momentum to both. We wish that these protest actions would overcome all hurdles and repressive moves, gain the support and solidarity of other toiling people and democratic forces and become the real mass actions. We hope they serve as catalysts for more united and determined struggles in future against the anti- people, anti-democratic and subservient policies of the exploiting ruling classes.          

                * Success to Nov 26^th, 27^th Protest Actions of Workers and Peasants! 

                * Long Live Worker – Peasant Unity!! 

              * Down with the Pro – imperialist, pro – big bourgeois and Pro – Landlord policies                     of the  Indian Ruling classes!!!                                                                                                    

                                                                                                                                                                                                              Viswam

               General Secretary 

21-11-2020                                                                                                    CPI (ML)            

Com. Koranna and Manganna martyrs Meeting Report

Com. Koranna and Manganna first martyrs of Srikakulam movement.  They were killed on October 31^st 1967 by land lords gundas in mondemkallu of srikakulam agency. We conducted these martyrs meeting at srikakulam martyrs column on 31^st srikakulam 2020.  

 

बिहार विधान सभा चुनाव-2020 में भाकपा (माले) की राज्य के मतदाताओं से अपील

 • अवसरवादी, जनविरोधी एवं जनतंत्र का माखौल उड़ाने वाले फासीवादी भाजपा-जदयू गठबंधन को पराजित करें!

• राजद, कांग्रेस एवं संसदीय वामपंथी दलों के महागठबंधन के चुनावी अवसरवाद का पर्दाफाश करें!

● कम्युनिस्ट क्रांतिकारी, वामपंथी एवं जनवादी दलों के उम्मीदवारों को चुनाव में वोट देकर विजयी बनाएँ!

• जहाँ भाजपा-जदयू गठबंधन के खिलाफ जनपक्षधर प्रत्याशी खड़े नहीं हों,

वहाँ फासीवादी ताकतों को परास्त करने के लिए सबसे सशक्त उम्मीदवार को अपना समर्थन दें!

 

 

प्रिय मतदाताओं,

    बिहार विधानसभा के चुनाव की घोषणा हो चुकी है। कोरोना महामारी के संकटों से जूझ रही जनता के समक्ष एक और चुनौती आ खड़ी हुई है। राज्य के जागरूक मतदाताओं को लुभाने के लिए तरह-तरह के बहरूपिए चुनावी वायदों की लम्बी-चौड़ी फेहरिस्त लेकर आपके बीच उपस्थित होंगे और आपको दिग्भ्रमित करने एवं ठगने का भरपूर प्रयास करेंगे। ऐसे समय में आप मतदाताओं के सामने अपने सही प्रतिनिधि के चुनाव की महत्वपूर्ण जिम्मेवारी आ गयी है। हम जानते हैं कि अधिकांश प्रत्याशी नीतियों, कार्यक्रमों एवं अपने विगत कार्यों के आधार पर वोट माँगना पसंद नहीं करते हैं और येन-केन-प्रकारेण चुनाव जीत जाने की बेताबी में हर तरह की तिकडम एवं मौकापरस्ती के लिए तैयार रहते हैं। फलतः जाति एवं धर्म की जहरीली आंधी बहायी जाती है और पैसे एवं लोभ-लालच का खुल्लमखुल्ला प्रदर्शन किया जाता है। और ये सब कारगुजारियाँ सबसे ज्यादा शासक वर्गीय दलों एवं गठबंधनों के दवारा ही की जाती हैं और कोई उनका कुछ नहीं बिगाड़ पाता, क्योंकि जिनके कंधों पर इसकी रोकथाम का संवैधानिक दायित्व है, वे स्वयं वर्गीय पक्षधरता की शिकार बन अधिकांश मामले में मौन धारण कर लेते हैं या खानापूरी कर चुपचाप बैठ जाते हैं।

    साथियों ! आपको याद होगा कि पिछला विधानसभा चुनाच (2015 का चुनाव) जदयू ने राजद के साथ मिलकर लड़ा था तथा जीत के बाद सरकार बनायी थी और फिर बीच में ही गठबंधन को एकतरफा भंग करते हुए भाजपा के सहयोग से पुनः सरकार बना ली। यह जनादेश का अपमान था और अवसरवादी राजनीति की पराकाष्ठा थी। बिहार की जनता ने नीतीश कुमार के इस राजनीतिक आचरण को नजदीक से देखा है और उसके 'ताप' को महसूस किया है। इस परिघटना ने न सिर्फ अवसरवादी पूँजीवादी राजनीति की कलई खोलकर रख दी, बल्कि साथ ही इसने नीतीश कुमार की अविश्वसनीयता तथा भाजपा एवं जदयू की सिद्धांतविहीनता व अवसरवादिता को भी उजगार कर दिया।

    केन्द्र में नरेन्द्र मोदी के नेतृत्व में भाजपा गठबंधन की सरकार के पिछले छः वर्षों से अधिक के शासन काल में लगातार फूट, वैमनस्य एवं नफरत की राजनीति को हवा दी गयी है और साम्प्रदायिकता, अंधराष्ट्रवाद एवं सुद्धोन्माद की आंधी बहाकर देश एवं समाज के माहौल को विषाक्त बनाया गया है। आज नरेन्द्र मोदी के शासन काल में मजदूरों, किसानों एवं जनता के अन्य तबकों के अधिकारों पर खुलेआम हमले किये जा रहे हैं और नागरिक स्वतंत्रता एवं जनतांत्रिक अधिकारों का माखौल उड़ाते हुए देश पर फासीवादी तानाशाही थोपने की संघ परिवार की साजिश को अमली जामा पहनाने की अनवरत कोशिश की जा रही है। ज्ञातव्य है कि केन्द्र सरकार द्वारा मजदूरपक्षीय श्रम कानूनों में बदलाव करते हुए पूंजीपक्षी सुधार एवं हाल के दिनों में रेलवे सहित कई सार्वजनिक क्षेत्र के उद्यमों में निजीकरण को बढ़ावा देने तथा विनिवेशीकरण की प्रक्रिया को आगे बढ़ाने का काम किया गया है। और हाल ही में संसद द्वारा जनविरोधी “किसान एवं कृषि क्षेत्र से सम्बन्धित तीन विधेयकों" को पारित कराकर केन्द्र की भाजपा सरकार ने यह साबित कर दिया है कि असल में उनका इरादा किसानों के लिए न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य (MSP) को समाप्त करना और कृषि को कारपोरेट जगत के हवाले करना है। केन्द्र सरकार के इन कदमों ने उसके मजदूर-किसान विरोधी असली खूखार चेहरे को उजागर कर दिया है। भाजपानीत केन्द्र सरकार के अबतक के शासन काल में दलितों, आदिवासियों, अल्पसंख्यकों एवं अन्य वंचित समुदायों को विशेष उपेक्षा, अवमानना एवं हमले का शिकार बनाया गया है। भीमा कोरेगांव मामले में केन्द्र सरकार के दमनकारी रवैये और हाल में उत्तर प्रदेश के हाथरस जिले में एक दलित युवती के साथ गाँव के अगड़ी जाति के कुछ मनबढू एवं दबंग युवकों द्वारा किए गए सामूहिक बलात्कार व शारीरिक प्रताड़ना एवं तत्पश्चात उसकी मृत्यु (यानी हत्या) के मामले में यूपी की भाजपाई योगी सरकार तथा उसके पुलिस-प्रशासन के गरीब व दलित विरोधी रूख ने साफ कर दिया है कि राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ के इशारे पर चलने वाले भाजपा जैसे दल के लिए भारत के पूंजीवादी संविधान को स्वीकार कर दबे-कुचले लोगों की प्रतिष्ठा की रक्षा करना आज भी कितना मुश्किल भरा काम बन गया है। तभी तो संविधान की शपथ लेने के बावजूद मुख्य मंत्री योगी आदित्यनाथ का मनु स्मृति वाला घोर सामंती मन-मिजाज बार-बार छलक पड़ रहा है और इस बात की गवाही दे रहा है कि यूपी में सच में आज गुण्डाराज है।

    आज देश की अर्थव्यवस्था भीषण संकट से गुजर रही हैं। बेरोजगारी पिछले 45 वर्षों में सबसे उच्चतम पायदान पर खड़ी है, महंगाई आकाश छुती जा रही है और वर्तमान वित्तीय वर्ष के प्रथम तिमाही में देश के सकल घरेलू उत्पाद के विकास दर में 23.9 फीसदी की गिरावट दर्ज की गई है। जिन जनविरोधी नई आर्थिक नीतियों की शुरुआत 1991 में कांग्रेस पार्टी के शासन काल में पी. वी. नरसिम्हा राव के प्रधानमंत्री और मनमोहन सिंह के वित्त मंत्री रहते हुए हुई थी, उसको नरेन्द्र मोदी के भाजपाई शासन में चरम पर पहुंचा दिया गया है। आज देशी बडे पूंजीपतियों और अपने साम्राज्यवादी आकाओं के नग्न स्वार्थों की पूर्ति के लिए केन्द्र सरकार ने देश की अर्थव्यवस्था को नीलाम कर देने का मन बना लिया है। तभी तो फायदे में चलने वाले सार्वजनिक क्षेत्र के उदयमों एवं संस्थानों को औने-पौने दामों में निजी क्षेत्रों के हवाले किया ‘जा रहा है। रेलवे, जीवन बीमा निगम (एलआईसी), कोयला खदान, ओएनजीसी जैसे मुनाफे में चलने वाले उद्यमों व संस्थानों को .., प्राइवेट हाथों में सौंप देने या बेच डालने की कवायद सचमुच हतप्रभ करने वाली है! लेकिन 'मोदी है तो सब कुछ मुमकिन है' के जुमले का इस्तेमाल करने वाली पार्टी ने सच में इसे हकीकत में बदल डाला है।

    आज हमारे देश में एक ऐसी प्रतिक्रियावादी, जनविरोधी, साम्राज्यवादोरस्त पूंजीवादी सरकार केन्द्र की सत्ता में आसीन है जिसने अपने छ: वर्षों के शासन काल में देश में दमन एवं आतंक का माहौल कायम कर दिया है। इस शासन में तमाम पूंजीवादी जनतांत्रिक संस्थाओं को कमजोर किया जा रहा है। सीबीआई, इंडी, न्यायपालिका (यहाँ तक कि सुप्रीम कोर्ट तक), चुनाव आयोग आदि-आदि की अपेक्षाकृत स्वायत्तता को समाप्त करने की पुरजोर कोशिश की जा रही है। स्वतंत्र मानी जाने वाली मीडिया आज 'गोदी मीडिया' में तब्दील हो गयी है। मोदी-शाह के इस निरकुंश व स्वेच्छाचारी शासन काल में राजनीतिक विरोधियों, खासकर जनवादी, प्रगतिशील तथा क्रान्तिकारी राजनीतिक शक्तियों को विशेष दमन का शिकार बनाया जा रहा है। एकतरफ भीमा कोरेगांव मामले में प्रो० सधा भारद्वाज, प्रो० आनन्द तेलतम्बडे, श्री गौतम नवलखा, प्रो० सोमा सेन जैसे दर्जन भर प्रख्यात बुद्धिजीवियों एवं सामाजिक-राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ताओं की गिरफ्तारियाँ की गई हैं तो दूसरी ओर पिछले फरवरी महीने में उत्तर-पूर्वी दिल्ली में हुए साम्प्रदायिक दंगों के असली गुनहगारों को खला छोडकर स्वराज अभियान के श्री योगेन्द्र यादव, सीपीआई (एम) के महासचिव श्री सीताराम येचुरी, जेएनयू की अर्थशास्त्र की प्राध्यापक प्रो० जयती घोष, रंगकर्मी श्री राहुल राय, कांग्रेस पार्टी के नेता श्री सलमान खुर्शीद तथा अन्य अनेक नामी-गिरामी निर्दोष सामाजिक-राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ताओं एवं बद्धिजीवियों को फर्जी मुकदमे में फंसाने की साजिशें की जा रही हैं। यह सबको पता है कि दिल्ली के साम्प्रदायिक दंगों में किनका हाथ है। लेकिन दंगाइयों को सरकारी संरक्षण प्रदान कर और दंगे की निन्दा करने वाले निर्दोष लोगों (जिन्होंने सीएए. एनआरसी एवं एनपीआर विरोधी न्यायपर्ण आंदोलन में भाग लिया था) को नामजद अभियुक्त बनाकर सरकार ने अपने खतरनाक मंसूबों को जाहिर कर दिया है। ये सारी कारगुज़ारियाँ नरेन्द्र मोदी सरकार के फासीवादी दमन की प्रतिगामी मुहिम की कलई खोल कर रख देती हैं, लेकिन फिर भी निर्लज्जता की सारी हदों को पार कर केन्द्र सरकार उसी दिशा में आगे बढ़ रही है।

    ऐसी ही फासिस्ट शक्तियों से नापाक गठजोड बनाकर 'सशासन बाबू' नीतीश कुमार बिहार में एक बार फिर सत्ता में काबिज होने की दावेदारी पेश कर रहे हैं। भागलपुर सृजन घोटाले और मुजफ्फरपुर बालिका आश्रय गृह यौन उत्पीड़न कांड के दाग अभी भी नीतीश सरकार के दामन से धुले नहीं हैं। कोरोना महामारी से निपटने में राज्य सरकार की अक्षमता, खासकर चिकित्सा सुविधाओं की बहाली एवं स्वास्थ्य सेवाओं की बढोत्तरी के मामले में सरकार की उदासीनता एवं कार्यकुशलता की कमी तो जगजाहिर है और बतफरोशी से उसे नहीं झुठलाया जा सकता। पिछले पन्द्रह वर्षों के अपने तथाकथित सुशासन काल में शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य एवं बिजली जैसी आवश्यक सेवाओं के निजीकरण एवं व्यवसायीकरण को बढ़ावा देकर नीतीश सरकार ने उसे इतनी महंगी कर दिया है कि आम जनता को उसके दंश को विवश होकर झेलना पड़ रहा है। रिश्वत एवं भ्रष्टाचार के मामले में तो भाजपा-जदयू की डबल इंजन की सरकार ने बहुत पहले ही राजद एवं कांग्रेस को पछाड़कर अपनी 'श्रेष्ठता' साबित कर ली थी।

    राजद के नेतृत्व में काँग्रेस एवं संसदीय वामपंथी दलों का महागठबंधन भी चुनावी मुकाबले में है। 'सामाजिक न्याय' का मंत्रजाप करने वाला राजद अभी भी जाति एवं धर्म की बैशाखी के सहारे ही चुनावी वैतरणी पार करने और सत्ता में वापसी के मंसूबे पाल रहा है। आज भी उसका 'सामाजिक न्याय' वंशगत शासन की पैरोकारी और एक खास जाति के घेरे से बाहर निकलने पर हाँफने लगता है। कांग्रेस इतनी दुर्दशा के बावजूद वंशगत शासन की पैरोकारी की नीति छोड़ने को तैयार नहीं है और हाल के दिनों में तो हिन्दु वोटरों को रिझाने के लिए धर्मनिरपेक्षता की 'सर्व-धर्म समभाव' की गांधीवादी नीति से पीछे हटते हुए नरम साम्प्रदायकिता पर अमल करना शुरू कर दिया है। और लाल झंडा फहराने वाले संसदीय वामपंथी दलों ने चुनाव में अपनी स्वतंत्र दावेदारी को पेश नहीं कर और वामपंथी शक्तियों की एकजुटता की परवाह किए बगैर चंद सीटों की जीत की गारंटी के लिए शासक वर्गीय महागठबंधन का हिस्सा बनना ज्यादा फायदेमंद समझा है।

    ऐसे कठिन एवं मुश्किल भरे दौर में कम्युनिस्ट क्रांतिकारी, सच्चे वामपंथी एवं जनवादी शक्तियों का यह फ़ौरी कार्यभार बनता है कि फासिस्ट ताकतों एवं उनके संश्रयकारियों को शिकस्त देने के लिए सबसे पहले अपने को एकजुट एवं सुदृढ करें और फिर विनाश की उन काली अंधेरी ताकतों के खिलाफ एक मजबूत मोर्चेबंदी करें।

    इसी परिप्रेक्ष्य में हमारी पार्टी भाकपा (माले)-क्लास स्ट्रगल की बिहार प्रांतीय कमिटी वर्तमान बिहार विधानसभा चुनाव में सबसे पहले कम्युनिस्ट क्रांतिकारी शक्तियों, वामपंथी दलों एवं अन्य जनवादी व जनपक्षधर शक्तियों द्वारा खड़े किए गए उम्मीदवारों का समर्थन करने और उन्हें विजयी बनाने की अपील आम मतदाताओं से करती है। जहाँ ऐसे प्रत्याशी चुनाव के मैदान में नहीं खड़े हैं, वहाँ मतदाताओं को भाजपा-जदयू के मुकाबले में खड़े सबसे मजबूत उम्मीदवार को वोट देना चाहिए।

    अंत में हमारी पार्टी की बिहार इकाई इस प्रदेश के मतदाताओं से आह्वान करती है कि वे जाति-धर्म की संकीर्णताओं से ऊपर उठकर और हर तरह के लोभ-लालच को धता बताते हुए एक जागरूक नागरिक की भूमिका अदा करते हुए इस महत्त्वपूर्ण चुनाव में देश, राज्य एवं समाज के हित में भाजपा-जदयू के गठबंधन को पराजित करें और फासीवादी ताकतों के खतरनाक मंसूबों को चकनाचूर कर दें।

    वर्तमान बिहार विधानसभा चुनाव में हमारी पार्टी भाकपा (माले) ने चार विधानसभा निर्वाचन क्षेत्रों से प्रत्याशी खड़े किये हैं।

91 - बोचहां (अ॰जा० सुरक्षित) - कॉ. उदय चौधरी       208 - सासाराम - कॉ. मुनेश्वर गुप्ता

209 - करगहर (रोहतास) - कॉ. रिंकू कुमारी            206 – चैनपुर (कैमूर) - कॉ. प्रहलाद बिंद

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दिनांक : 09-10-2020

 

अरविन्द सिन्हा 103 नीलगिरी भवन, बोरिंग कैनाल रोड, पटना-800 001 द्वारा भाकपा (माले)-क्लास स्ट्रगल को बिहार प्रातीय कमिटी के लिए प्रकाशित और महेश्वरी प्रिन्टर्स, नया टोला, पटना-800 004 से मुद्रिता संख्या-30 हजार प्रतियाँ मात्र ।