- VISWAM
The
princely state of Hyderabad was ruled by Asaf Jahi Nawab until 1948. The state
was administratively divided into Khalsa and Gairkhalsa areas. While Khalsa was
under the direct rule of Nawab, the Gairkhalsa area was ruled through
Zamindars, Jagirdars and Deshmukhs. It consisted of five Maratha speaking
districts, three Kannada speaking districts and eight Telugu speaking
districts. The total population was 15 million, out of which the Telugu people
were about 10 million.
Telangana was a
Telugu-speaking region in the Hyderabad state. It was ruled by a feudal
aristocracy. Jagirdar, Deshmukh and tenancy systems, i.e., the feudal
exploitation and oppression were in vogue. The people of Telangana lived a life
of slavery. ‘Huzur, here is your slave; let me touch your feet’, are the
expressions of the common man while addressing the feudal landlords which
reflected their worst and pathetic state and the kind of oppression they
experienced. While half of the land in Telangana was owned by the Nizam Nawab,
50 per cent of the remaining half was in the hands of big landlords. Apart from
the rich, middle and small peasants, 50 per cent of the total population were
landless people. The kind of slavery these people experienced is beyond the
reach of the imagination of our generation.
Hyderabad state was
composed of three areas, namely, Marathi, Kannada and Telugu-speaking people.
These areas were groaning under the iron feet of Nizam’s autocracy. Urdu was
the official language in all the three areas. Telugu, Kannada and Marathi
languages were suppressed. There were no schools to impart education in these
languages.
Before 1940, there
were no mass organisations in the real sense of the term that stood for the
minimum rights. Not even a reformist national movement was there as it existed
in the British ruled areas. In 1940, there existed an organisation called
“Andhra Mahasabha” with some reformist aims like the development of Telugu language, education and libraries. In
course of time, the forces with progressive, national and socialist ideas had
emerged in Telangana. The revolutionary forces that emerged from the students
have joined them. As a result, the early communist units have come up and
started their activities.
Though there was a
ban on the party, in the midst of repressive condition, the communists carried on
their work through mass organisations. They built up a militant workers
movement. They had decided to work among the peasants through Andhra Mahasabha
which was already working with many limitations. It was just passing
resolutions with appeal to implement laws and provide opportunities for the
development of Telugu language. It was mobilising the progressive forces
through its annual conferences. Because of its reformist and rightist
orientation, its activities had their own limitations and could not be taken to
the vast masses of people.
Communist Party
escalated its political activity by gathering students and youth. It admitted
activists in the Andhra Mahasabha and worked in a constructive manner. Ever
since the communists joined the Andhra Mahasabha and started working, its
sphere, depth and seriousness had grown. A serious ideological struggle had taken
place in it between reformism and revolutionism; between Gandhism and
Marxism-Leninism. By 1944, a firm line of demarcation was drawn between the
feudal reactionaries and the progressive peasant revolutionary forces. The
people were mobilised into extensive and massive struggles on the problems of
bonded labour (“Vetti”) and tenancy. These struggles took more militant forms
in the course of fighting the oppressive landlords who resorted to attacks on
these mobilisations (meetings and processions).
In this course the
people brought the question of land before the Sangham and the party. The
masses of people were enthusiastic and eager to seize back their lands which
were grabbed by the landlords. The people gained such an amount of confidence
in their own united and organised strength. At that time the party leadership
found itself totally unprepared to meet this situation as the problem came to the
fore in such a short time. It could not provide a clear-cut programme. Then the
Communist party was engaged in developing the political consciousness among the
people and preparing them into a united and organised force. It did not ask the
people to take up arms. It did not form armed squads. Yet, the people advanced
relying themselves on their own anti-feudal political consciousness and
organised strength. The peasant’s consciousness has reached to the level of
seizing the lands under the illegal occupation of landlords. They have become
conscious of crossing the legal limits and adopting the revolutionary methods.
However, the party was not yet prepared to go a step further, i.e., for a
revolutionary action as the course of development demanded.
Mondrai
and Palakurthi
The peasants of
Lambada tribe were cultivating the lands of Kataru Ramachandra Rao on lease.
The lease deed was expired, but the peasants were not ready to leave the land.
They were prepared to protect their right of cultivating their land on lease by
resisting the attempts of the landlord. The landlord attacked the peasants with
police and goondas. The Lambada peasants resisted the police and goondas with
traditional weapons. They chased the goondas by using sticks.
Ilamma’s was a
small family in Palakurti. Yet, she was ready to fight to protect her own crop.
As the militant voluntary forces were ready to act, the entire people of the village
stood by her. The party fought back the landlord goondas with the united
organised strength of the people. It chased away the goondas of Visnoor
Ramachandra Reddy and protected Ilamma’s crop. Ilamma fought undauntedly even
for a small piece of property. She enthused all other members of her family.
Not only she defended her own right, but also declared, through her struggle,
that this alone is the path to be adopted to defend the rights of the entire
peasantry in Telangana. With this incident, the police cases and repression
were mounted against the peasants. With lathis and one or two fire arms in
their hands, the landlord goondas sought to create a reign of terror. The
people’s volunteer forces repulsed them with, just sticks. Sticks were enough
for this phase of struggle. Lord’ (dora) Ramachandra Reddy and Janakamma (his
mother) vowed to smash the Sangham. They brought the police who arrested and
tortured the activists.
The struggle in
this period was only of partial (courts, offices) nature. Open and secret
revolutionary forms of struggle were being combined. The party cadre relied only
on the strength of people’s unity and organisation in resisting the attacks
from the landlords and their goondas.
Post-War
Upsurge
1944 was the year
when Fascism was receiving death blows in the hands of the Red Army in the
Second World War and the Fascist forces were on the retreat. The defeat of
Fascism gave a tremendous impetus to the progressive, peace loving and
democratic forces and movements all over the world. There erupted an upsurge in
the democratic struggles. The defeat of Fascism and the advance of
revolutionary forces in the world gave a great inspiration to our people who
were, at the time, going through a worst suffering because of war and famine
conditions created by the exploitation of landlords. A mass upsurge had come up
all over India. It assumed more intensive form in Telangana.
The peasants in
Akunoor (Nalgonda district) and Machireddipally (Gulbarga district in the
present Karnataka) refused to give the levy grain (collected by the British
govt for the purpose of war). The peasants resisted and taught a lesson to the
revenue and police officials who sought to collect the levy forcibly. The
people used just sticks and brooms for this purpose. They used more powerful
conventional weapons when they found the situation unmanageable. They did not
use firearms in the beginning. This struggle was not only directed against the
revenue and police machinery but also against the landlords. The landlords were
helping the officials in the collection of levy grain. They were seeing to it
that the levy was collected from the poor and middle peasants. Not only they
were escaping themselves from the levy, but also were filling their treasuries
and granaries with money and grain amassed in this course. The party had taken
note of the anti-feudal and anti-government nature of these struggles. Nalgonda
District Communist committee took lessons from the people’s initiative and the
acts of resistance of these two villages. It exposed the acts of landlords and
the government. Basing on these experiences, the party had given the call for
the formation of volunteer squads in every village and to take out protest
rallies against repression. It utilised these experiences to organise
resistance against the police.
July
4th 1946: Kadivendi:
Martyrdom of Doddi Komaraiah
and its Consequences
The oppressed
masses of Telangana were the victims of the worst exploitation in Nizam’s
feudal system perpetrated by the Jagirdars, Deshmukhs, Patels and Patwaris in
the form of exploitation of labour, bonded labour, bribes, gifts and najranas
(offerings). Those were the days when all the toiling masses - washer men,
barbers, potters, Kurmis, Mala, Madiga, Hindu and Muslim-with no difference
whatsoever were getting awakened. This is why the membership of Andhra
Mahasabha had gone up to more than one lakh by 1946.
After the people’s
resistance and militant actions, at Mundrai and Palakurti, the feudal forces
represented by Visnoor Ramachandra
Reddy, his family and his mother Janakamma had gone mad. They turned into
furious dogs. They hatched conspiracies to smash the Sangham. The well organized
Sangham in Kadivendi Village (Janagaon taluk) became their target of attack.
They asked their goondas to rain stones on the houses of Sangham leaders from
their hideouts and to way lay to attack at an opportune moment. Sangham had
decided to resist these brutal acts of Deshmukhs. One day no sooner the
procession of people with sticks, lathis and slings came close to the “gadi”
(fort house) the Deshmukh goondas who were waiting in hideouts started firing
at the procession. Doddi Komaraiah who was at the forefront of the procession
died on the spot. Doddi Mallaiah, Kondaiah and others were wounded. Yet, the wave
of massive people’s procession surged forward and surrounded the fort. While
defending themselves from the attacks, they attempted to set fire to the fort.
Seeing this, the Deshmukh sent messages to neighbouring feudal lords and
gathered some more goondas in his support. The Sangham too sent messages to the
people in neighbouring taluka (Ramannapet) for support. The people moved in
waves with lathis, slings, sickles, axes and all kinds of weapons that they
could collect. Kadivendi turned itself into a battle field. Slings and stones
confronted the shotguns of landlord goondas. It proved that the people’s power
is greater than the atomic power. The goonda gangs could not stand in the face of
people’s resistance. Deshmukh’s properties and gardens became the targets of
people’s fury. The reserved police rushed to the aid of Deshmukh’s goondas.
They rescued goondas from the people’s custody and handed them to the
Deshmukhs. They foisted false cases against the people.
This incident was
like a thunderbolt. Thousands of people marched in a procession with the dead
body of Komaraiah and performed the last rites. They took the pledge to
sacrifice their lives for Sangham. They clenched their fists. They roared and
thundered like tigers. Komaraiah’s martyrdom laid the road for the liberation
of Telangana. It had shown the path of revolution. Every drop of blood shed by
Komaraiah gave birth to thousands of Komaraiahs.
Komaraiah was a
youth of an ordinary peasant family. He was imbibed by the lessons of people’s
liberation movement in the light of Marxism-Leninism. He determined to destroy
the feudal forces. He was filled with the spirit of acquiring land to the
tiller. This made him march at the head of the procession. He would have
pounced on the goondas like a tiger had the goondas confronted him directly. But
the cowards chose to fire at him from a hideout. The exploiters-then as well as
now, are just cowards. They always acted like cowards when confronted with the
organised strength of people.
This was how the
exploiting forces killed Babulal Bishwakarma in Naxalbari (1968), Koranna and
Manganna in Srikakulam (in Oct 1967). Whenever the revolutionary masses were in
struggle for land, food and liberation, the exploiting classes resorted to the
cowardly acts of murder. But these acts only further sharpened the
revolutionary people’s movement.
The people’s
resistance of Kadivendi and Komaraiah’s martyrdom brought a new turn to the
Telangana people’s revolutionary movement. “Gutupala” (stick-holding) Sanghams
were organised in every village. Women and children were organised. Everyone
was taught in the methods of resistance. Telangana people roared like wounded
tigers. They raised high the banner of revolution. They gave shape to agrarian
revolutionary movement. The peasants came forward to seize and distribute the
lands in the possession of landlords. There was a big wave in Janagaon and Suryapet
taluks. They revolted against feudalism. The Communist party leader Devulapalli
Venkateswara Rao played a prominent role in bringing this turn to the struggle.
Arutla Ramachandra Reddy, Bheemireddi Narsimha Reddy and others played an
important role. Gram panchayats were organised under the leadership of the
party. These panchayats led by the poor handled all problems - from land
distribution to various problems in the villages. The authority of landlords
was just pushed aside.
This resistance
movement spread to 120 villages in 5
talukas. The exploiting classes brought the military into the scene. Repression
was intensified. 20 youth, including one woman were killed. The resistance
movement was temporarily suppressed. This was the course of development between
June and the end of December, 1946.
ARMED STRUGGLE AGAINST NIZAM
(Sep 11, 1947 to Sept 13, 1948)
The Nizam, who was
ruling Hyderabad state under the British imperialists as their puppet, declared
their “independence” in June 1947. The State Congress and other democratic
forces who were, till then, working with the slogan of “responsible government”
were angry with this. They were against Nizam being independent and wanted it
to be a part of Indian Union. The political forces in the State saw the act of
Nizam only as a conspiracy hatched in collusion with the British imperialists.
The Mountbatten Award divided the country into three parts; namely 1) India 2)
Pakistan and 3) Princely states. The princely states can either join India or
Pakistan or remain independent.
Nizam was the first
to utilise the opportunity provided by the British imperialists. He proclaimed
his independence just two months before the transfer of power to the Indian
comprador big bourgeoisie. Nizam stood unyielding even in the talks between the
union government headed by Nehru and the Nizam.
With this, the
Hyderabad State Congress gave a call for Satyagraha. It called upon the people
to raise the national flag banned by the Nizam in all places as a form of
struggle. Accordingly, the congressmen implemented the programme of flag
hoisting and Satyagraha.
The Communist Party
called upon the State Congress to join the united struggle against Nizam. But the
State Congress rejected this call. Even then, the Communist party, Andhra
Mahasabha, All Hyderabad Trade Union Congress and All Hyderabad Students Union
took up the programme of hoisting the
National Flag. It spread like a movement from street to street. It took the form of cutting down the palm
trees, which were seen as the property of the government, and the struggle to
oppose the levy imposed by the government. Workers, peasants, students and
women took part in this struggle. Overcoming and with standing religious
fanaticism incited by the Mazlis, a good number of Muslims too joined in this
struggle.
Nizam
- Nehru Bhai, Bhai
When the people of
Hyderabad were engaged in a life and death struggle to end the Nizam’s rule, the
Central Congress leadership entered into a deal of compromise with Nizam. Nehru
government appealed Nizam to join the Indian Union while retaining for himself all
other powers except defence, foreign affairs and communications. Nizam did not
agree at all to this. Nehru government had itself comedown. It signed a
Stand-still Agreement with Nizam in November 1947. Under this, the Indian
government promised not to interfere in any internal affairs of Hyderabad
State. In a way, it amounted to say that the people’s movement is to be
suppressed. It amounted to give freedom to Nizam to drown the people in blood.
In return to this, Nizam was required not to set up his embassies in other
countries. At the same time, he can set up ‘Agent General’ offices in other
countries. It was almost equal to setting up the embassies in other countries.
This Stand-still Agreement gave a respite for Nizam. It gave time to him to
carry out his designs. It gave opportunity to him to modernise his armies,
accumulate weapons and train up Razakars.
The Nizam sought to
brutally suppress the people’s struggle that was going on at that time
against his rule. Gunning down the
people, looting and destroying their properties and indulging in sexual attacks
against women, he trampled the civil and democratic rights of people. The
movement could not withstand Nizam’s autocracy.
Armed
Struggle-Agrarian Revolution - Communist Party
The Communist party
decided to arm the people when the people’s movement was getting dispersed
under the weight of heavy repression. At this time, the State Congress too
decided to take up arms. The Communists as well as the Congressmen carried on
armed actions. The Communist Party had correctly assessed the struggle
consciousness of the people. The Communist Party had called upon the people to
resist the brutalities of Nizam’s armed forces and Razakar goondas (Razakar: A
Parsi word for “Volunteer”), and to get prepared to end the Nizam’s rule and to
carry on the armed resistance in defence of people’s lives, properties and
self-respect of women. However, these armed actions too could not withstand in
the face of Nizam’s armed onslaught.
In this context,
the Communist Party realised that the Anti-Nizam Movement cannot sustain
without providing a more serious programme to the people. It formulated a
programme for this purpose. It was the land question and the programme of
agrarian revolution.
In reality the land
distribution had begun right in 1946. Some victories were being won
against the other forms of feudal
exploitation and oppression and those victories were being defended. The party
organised the people’s volunteer forces. The peasants seized back the lands under
the illegal occupation of landlords and distributed them among themselves. The
people’s resistance had reached a level. The land distribution movement also
that continued for 4 to 5 months was temporarily suppressed.
In this second
stage, the Nizam’s armed forces could suppress the people’s resistance movement
only as the anti-Nizam peoples’ upsurge confined itself to militant agitations
and struggles.
Similarly, it was
also proved that the movement cannot advance and withstand enemy’s onslaught if
it confines itself to armed resistance only as the State Congress had been
doing. Not only this. The State Congress also had the deceptive idea of
degrading the peoples upsurge against Nizam to the level of Satyagraha. The
State Congress chose to call for armed struggle instead of getting itself
isolated from the peoples’ upsurge. It thus conspired to defuse and fizzle it
out at an opportune moment.
Hence, the
Communist Party surged much ahead. It was of the understanding that the
armed struggle cannot advance without
linking it to the land question. It decided first to seize the lands of
pro-Nizam landlords and distribute the same among the landless, poor peasants.
In the course of victoriously advancing in this direction, it declared that no landlord
should own more than 500 acres and the lands above this ceiling would be
distributed. Afterwards it brought down the ceiling to 200 acres.
Though a formal
call for armed resistance was given by the three Organisations (Raavi Narayan Reddy,
Baddam Yella Reddy, Makhdum Mohiuddeen on behalf of the Communist Party, Andhra
Mahasabha and Trade Union respectively) on Sept 11, 1947, the Communist Party
was already engaged in reviving and re-organising itself on a sound basis which
faced earlier a setback in December 1946. In this course, it has built up
youth, women and village committees in a well-knit manner. It took lessons from
the temporary defeats. It continues to keep the people’s consciousness alive.
The Communist party never came under the spell of defeatism. It made efforts to
bring qualitatively more positive and firmer turn in the situation.
In its Sept 11,
1947 call for armed struggle, the party put forth the following programme
before the people and the cadre:
1. Carry on the
armed struggle to overthrow the Nizam government.
2. Organise the classes for the purpose of conducting
the armed struggle.
3. Seize arms that
are in the possession of landlords and in the enemy’s camps by conducting raids
on their camps.
4. Paralyse the
activities of Nizam govt. Seize the govt records and destroy them.
5. Refuse to give
levy and to pay taxes to Nizam govt.
6. See that toddy
is not taken out and sold.
7. Treat the
landlords who are in collusion with Nizam govt as enemies and seize their
movable and immovable properties.
8. Allow the landlords who join in the struggle
against Nizam govt to retain 200 acres of dry land and 10 acres of wet land for
the purpose of self-cultivation and distribute the remaining land among the
poor and agricultural labour.
9. Distribute the government (banzar) and
cultivable forest lands.
10.Restore the
lands illegally occupied by the landlords and money lenders to their rightful
owners.
11.Boycott the
government offices, courts, schools and colleges.
12.Refuse to repay
the grain and money taken from the landlords and money lenders as debt and
interest.
13.Destroy the
customs outposts on the borders of Nizam State.
14.Enhance the
wages of agricultural labour.
15.Seize the lands
under the cultivation of Jagirdars and refuse to pay taxes to them.
16.Defy the
government orders, hoist the National Flags and the Flags of Communist Party in
every village.
The district
Committees of the Communist Party had shown a great initiative in implementing
this programme. They had built up village people’s committees and the armed
guerrilla squads. In the course of these programmes, the Andhra Mahasabha
expanded its activities to new areas. It spread its influence among various
classes and sections of people.
Guerrilla Squads
Permanent guerrilla
squads were organised by acquiring modern weapons. Their programmes were coordinated
with the local squads.
Four thousand
members were drawn into these armed squads. Youth were entrusted with the tasks
of village defence. The squads that destroy the roadways and the squads that
gather enemy’s information were formed. Youth -women and men-who work with
enough dynamism were drawn into the couriering system. To start with, one
guerrilla squad for each district was formed. As the strength of weapons had
grown, the number of guerrilla squads was increased. Powerful, heroic armed
resistance commenced. Razakars who raided the villages for looting were repulsed
in a military manner. The machinery that was looting the grain in the name of
taxes was forced to flee. Customs outposts were destroyed. The movements of
enemy’s armed forces were obstructed by destroying the transport system. The
role played by the people in these programmes was unprecedented. The people were
protecting the guerrilla squads as the pupil of their eyes. They were helping
in each and every manner. This unflinching support and help from the people
provided much favourable conditions for the movements of guerrilla squads. The
squads moved like fish in water.
The people were
suitably punishing the landlords and their agents who were extending
co-operation to Nizam’s forces. There are occasions when they were tried in
people’s courts and awarded with the death sentence. With this, the landlords
fled away to towns from villages. The people’s raj came into vogue in such
areas. The government seemed to exist only when its armed forces were camping
there. The Village People’s Committees were all powerful.
Feudal
Oppression came to an End
Where ever the
armed resistance was carried on in an organised manner, the feudal oppression
and rule crumbled down. Village Panchayats were formed and their rule had begun
in 4,000 villages in Nalgonda, Warangal, Karimnagar, Adilabad and Medak
districts. These panchayats had come up even a few miles away to Nizam’s
Capital, i.e., Hyderabad. The rule of village committees had put the landlords and
exploiters under check and these committees stood on the side of common people.
These committees were formed with those who took part in the struggle and with
the poor and the middle class sections who joined us. The landlords and govt
officials fled away to cities. All the village affairs were carried on under
the leadership of these village committees. With the distribution of land,
abolition of bonded labour, distribution of grain by breaking the granaries of
landlords, distribution of cattle and the agricultural implements and the
abolition of lending money on interest and with similar activities the agrarian
revolutionary programme was translated into practice in the villages.
The illegal affairs
of landlords were brought to book. The deeds and promissory notes fabricated by
them for the purpose of recklessly looting the peasants were burnt down. The
lands of the landlords who took the side of enemy were totally distributed.
Ceiling was fixed on the lands of the landlords who adopted a neutral attitude.
About 10 lakh acres of land had come into people’s hands in this area.
Agricultural labourers enhanced their own wages. Toddy tappers were given the
palm trees free of cost. In several villages, the people had built up their own
irrigation canals from rivers, tanks and bunds etc. They arranged their own
hospitals. They freely got the timber needed for agriculture. They recognised
the right of women for divorce. Widow marriages and inter-caste marriages had
taken place. The consciousness against untouchability had grown. The
superstitions and thefts had come down. The practice of imparting education
through night schools was developed. The scientific knowledge and political
consciousness had blossomed.
This struggle had
its own impact on the Kannada and Marathi speaking areas in the state. The
people of these areas too carried on struggle against Nizam. This struggle had
much impact on the Andhra area of Madras state. Hundreds of cadres and leaders stood
in support of these areas. They provided many things like weapons, money and
dens for the struggle. They had built up anti-feudal struggle in the border
districts. They organised intellectuals, teachers, employees, workers, students
and youth. The writers responded to the struggle. Many artistes gave artistic
(cultural) forms to the stories of the movement and had given performances
also. In a word, hundreds of people belonging to various classes and sections from
this area sacrificed their lives. Thousands of people became victims of many
brutalities perpetrated by the British, Nizam and Congress rulers. Be it the British,
Nizam or Congress-each of these rulers were proved to be murderers of the worst
type.
Let
us be Humble and Learn
The struggle that
went on as on Sept 11, 1948 was a glorious one. It had provided us with many valuable
experiences. This was the first extensive armed struggle in Indian history
under the leadership of the Communist Party. It represented the character of
the highest struggle and the strength of sacrifice. It had improved the
people’s consciousness step by step to a higher level. Common people on their
own accord participated in lakhs in this struggle. This peasant armed struggle
has raised the prestige of the party all over India and at international level.
This was a heroic
peasant armed struggle to put an end to the outdated feudal system. This was a
struggle to ensure the right over the land to the landless dalits (agricultural
labour), peasants, girijans and women.
This was not just
an anti-Nizam struggle. This was an agrarian revolutionary struggle that continued as a struggle to seize lakhs of
acres of land from the hands of landlords and as a struggle that challenged the
feudal authority and various forms of their oppression, customs and
superstitions.
The distribution of
land ensured mass base and the character of mass movement for the armed
struggle. People getting them armed and organised into guerrilla squads had
widened and strengthened the movement. The armed actions initiated by the party
could not have continued in the absence of this agrarian revolutionary
programme. The youth in thousands would not have joined the guerrilla squads
and taken to arms. In no time, the movement would have been crushed and fizzled
out.
The Prime Minister
Nehru’s armed forces of Indian Union that entered the Hyderabad state on the
plea of integrating it in the Indian Union and as an action against Nizam
attacked the centre of revolution where the agrarian revolution was on the
verge of victory. Yet, we could continue the resistance till 1951. It was made
possible only because the armed struggle was linked to land distribution-i.e.
the agrarian revolution. It would not have been possible by any other means.
We will continue as
real revolutionary forces only when we review the last 5 decades time i.e. from
1969 in the light of these experiences. These experiences of the glorious Telangana
peasants’ armed struggle are helping us a lot to be away from rightist and left
deviation policies. Only when we receive these experiences with revolutionary
humbleness we can defeat revisionism, neo revisionism and Indian reactionary
forces. This will be a real tribute to the martyrs of Telangana
revolutionaries. Then only revolution will be successful.
II
NEHRU GOVERNMENT - NEW DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION
(September 1948 to October 1951)
‘On the day of
Transfer of Power on August 15th, 1947 the big bourgeoisie of India entered into
a treacherous deal with imperialism and feudalism. This compromise had
surrendered all the wealth of our country to imperialist sharks. This agreement
gave ample scope for imperialist exploitation. It allowed the continuation of
and strengthening of feudalism in India. This made possible to protect the
exploitation of landlords in the rural areas and to continue the exploitation
in new forms.’
‘This is the most
heinous agreement in which the British rulers transferred power to the big
bourgeoisie and landlords, while Lord Mountbatten continued as Governor-General
and Nehru appointed as the Prime Minister.
“In brief, the
transfer of power on Aug 15th catapulted India not into a living epoch of
progress, but into a dead epoch of stagnation with all the old laws, henchmen
and old names.”
“The Indian people,
who had taken the anti-imperialist posture of the “national” leadership under
the direct management of “Mahatma’s” non-violence as genuine, were betrayed”
The civil officials
i.e., bureaucracy as individuals and as a part of the government will have a
strong hold as before and will oppose fundamental changes in the society. This
is the greatest treachery of the bourgeoisie towards its friends like peasants,
working class, and middle class as it accepted the old constitutional machinery
without any change on 15th August 1947. (India
Mortgaged - T. Nagireddy)
A
Conspiracy Well Hatched
Lord Mountbatten
and Nehru who deceived Indians easily on 15th Aug, 1947 thought that it was not possible to
deceive the people of Telangana. So, they hatched a heinous conspiracy. It is a
known fact that the British imperialists had transferred power by dividing the
subcontinent into Pakistan, Indian Union and Princely states. Nizam wanted to
remain as an independent state. As he was subservient to the British
imperialists, he had to follow their instructions. By August 1947 itself the
peasants’ revolutionary movement reached a stage that would break the backbone
of Nizam. The British imperialists knew well that he could not withstand the
organised revolutionary movement under the leadership of Communist Party.
On the one hand,
they maintained an independent status for Hyderabad under the rule of Nizam. At
the same time Nizam requested Mountbatten to bargain on his behalf with Nehru
government for independence. Nehru and Nizam came to an understanding and
compromised according to the orders of the British imperialists. This is a
private compromise. Accordingly, Nizam inducted Hindu landlord Pingali Venkata
Rami Reddy into the ministry just before the transfer of power and also
appointed him as a member of delegation that held talks with Congress through
British agents.
This was not
palatable to Khasim Razvi, the leader of Razakars. He, on his own, continued
attacks on revolutionary peasant movement unleashing a reign of terror. He
prohibited the hoisting of National Flag. He continued and increased destructive
activities.
The leaders of
Hyderabad State Congress could not swallow the declaration of independence by
Nizam. They decided to intensify the anti-razakar movement. Hoisting national
flag and Satyagraha were their forms of struggle. Afterwards, it decided to
launch armed resistance to razakars. In fact, the British, Nizam and Congress
are in collusion. Actually the standstill agreement of November 1947 was the
result of this collusion. They held that this agreement will continue for a
year.
They knew well that
the princely state of Hyderabad could not survive as an independent state; it
could not withstand the raging peasant revolutionary movement; and any delay on
their part would result in the loss of power from the hands of big bourgeois
and landlord classes. Moreover, they clearly understood that the progress of
Telangana peasant movement into an agrarian revolution which destroys feudalism
and, if it transforms into new democratic revolution, was indeed more dangerous
to them.
By that time, the
anti-Nizam armed struggle had intensified into anti-feudal armed struggle under
the leadership of the Communist Party. The peasants confiscated the lands,
cattle, granaries and fort houses of notorious landlords like Visunoori
Ramachandra Reddy, Jannareddy Pratapa Reddy, Kathari Ramachandra Rao etc.
People’s government was established in villages and the people’s panchayats
were deciding the matters like land ceiling, distribution of lands, problems
that arose during the land distribution, contradictions among the people,
family disputes etc. Neither the government of Nizam nor the rule of landlords
did exist there. Peoples’ militia — guerrilla and voluntary squads were formed
to protect people from the attacks of Nizam’s armed gangs. So the British
imperialists did not like to delay any more.
The bourgeois
forces, which abandoned the task of bringing democratic revolution, had taken
up the task of protecting feudalism. The British imperialists and
representatives of comprador bourgeoisie, Nehru, Patel and Panth under whose
leadership Congress was sailing knew well the experience of Paris Commune,
victory of Russian proletariat revolution, democratic, socialist revolutions in
East Europe and the impending victory of Chinese revolution that cremated the
feudal and bourgeois systems.
So with the advice
of British representative, Governor - General Mountbatten, the Congress
government speeded up the measures to amalgamate the Hyderabad state. The
British-Nizam-Congress trio had taken utmost care to save the interests of feudal
landlords. They adopted the attitude of trampling the democratic and national
aspirations and rights of people. They came into a heinous compromise. The
Congress which used to claim that it fought for national freedom had nakedly
trampled the sacrifices of democratic and national forces. It became impossible
to it to hide its deception under the mask of khaddar and burqa. The sacrifices
and struggles of communists and peasants of Telangana exposed the real nature
of Nehru congress – It is a wolf in sheep’s clothing. Moreover the fighting
spirit and determination of heroic peasants of Telangana have become a bone in
their throat.
As the Nizam was
not able to suppress the revolutionary movement, the merger of Hyderabad into
Indian Union is only an excuse. Nehru beating Nizam and Nizam yielding to Nehru
is only a farce. It was a great illusion. The real aim was the suppression of
peasant revolutionary movement, agrarian revolutionary movement and strangling
to death of newly born democratic revolution by using union military.
September
1948 - the Entry of Nehru Army
By June-July 1948
itself, the Communist Party scented this scheme of suppressing the peasant
revolutionary movement by using the military forces of Indian Union under the
feint of removing Nizam from power. The Andhra Provincial Committee decided to
continue the armed struggle against Nizam and feudalism, as well as the army of
the Indian Union. It decided to resist the re-entry of landlords and deshmukhs
with the support of Nehru army. It felt that non-continuation of the armed
struggle tantamount to the betrayal of the struggling peasantry and Telangana
revolutionary movement.
The state committee
issued certain directions to the party committees and squads. They are: 1) As
long as Nehru’s army was fighting against the Razakars and Nizam’s armed
forces, we should not fight with the Indian army; 2) We on our own continue our
attacks on Razakars and Nizam’s armed camps and destroy them; 3) grab the arms;
supply more weapons to squads and intensify training to squads.
The party gave a
direction that if we wait with patience for some time, the real nature of
Nehru’s military would come out with its real colours; the combine of the
army-razakar-landlord goondas would start attacking peasants and the illusion
about the Indian military would be shattered, and the people will again rise up
in struggle. Though some differed with this analysis, they participated in the
struggle according to the decision of the party.
Police
Action-A Hoax; Nizam’s Surrender - a Farce
The Union military
launched police action on September 13th, 1948. Nizam’s armed forces did not
resist the Union military except in one or two places. They merely surrendered
when the Union military appeared on the scene. The Nizam’s armed forces fled
their camps throwing their weapons into water wells on hearing the sounds of
firing and appearance of reconnaissance planes in the sky. Within five days of
‘police action’ on 18th September the Nawab
himself surrendered. In this well - orchestrated drama, the British, Nizam and
Congress trio played their respective roles.
People
Utilized the Situation to the Utmost
The people and
squads utilised this situation very well. They conducted attacks on many camps
of razakars and Nizam’s armed forces. The initiative of people and squads
surged forward in the taluks of Suryapet, Janagama, Manukota, Bhongir and
Warangal.
In Suryapet Taluk,
The people and squads grabbed weapons - rifles, sten guns and hand grenades
from the Nizam’s armed forces and destroyed their camps. Five thousand people
got organized and razed to the ground the fort-house of notorious landlord
Jannareddy Pratapa Reddy.
In
Janagama Taluk,
Ten thousand people
surrounded the fort-house of landlord Visunoori Ramachandra Reddy.The squads
attacked razakar camp. The Union army came to protect the landlord and opened
fire on the people. The son of the landlord, Jaganmohan Reddy, and Visunooru
Sub-Inspector tried to flee and boarded a goods train in Jangaon to reach
Hyderabad. Both of them committed innumerable atrocities. So the revolutionary
masses did not permit them to leave Jangaon. They stopped the goods train and
caught them and beat Jaganmohan Reddy to death. They spit on his corpse and the
sub inspector was severely beaten. In the same taluk, three thousand people
attacked Razakar camp at Laddanur and killed 23 razakars and confiscated their
weapons and gunpowder.
In
Manukota Taluk,
Three thousand
people attacked the razakar camp at Nellakuduru. Razakars yielded to them. But
the Union military came to the rescue of razakars and opened fire on the
people. The revolutionary masses killed two razakars and grabbed weapons from
them and retreated. In Jammikuntla, people tried to dismantle another house of
Jannareddy Pratapa Reddy but were able to damage the house partially only and
distributed four thousand bags of food grains among themselves.
Thousands of people
and guerrilla squads participated in these actions. Marripeda Deshmukh,
Damodara Reddy’s house was destroyed. Hundreds of bags of food grains from the
fort-house in Purushottama Gudem were distributed and lit fire to the fort
house. Likewise they confiscated the granary of Rayigudem landlord Raghava
Reddy and Suryapet Deshmukh’s 500 grain bags located at Kanrayi. They destroyed
rice mill of landlord Raghavarao.
In Manukota town,
ten thousand people seized the weapons from Deshmukhs and razakars. The Union
army came and rescued the enemies of people.
On September 15,
ten thousand people took ten thousand bags of food grains from the Dornakal and
Papatapalli railway stations.
The revolutionary
masses and squads attacked the enemies of the people in Mothkur of Ramannapeta
Taluk, in Narketpalli of Nalgonda taluk, in Kurraram of Bhongiri taluk etc.
Even though the directions of the party had not reached them, thousands of
masses smashed the Thatikonda camp, and Jaffergadh camps of Warangal Taluk, and
three camps in Huzurabad taluk and killed the enemies and took possession of
their properties.
While the Union
military was engaged in the protection of deshmukhs and razakars, the people
had chased away the razakars and landlords, established village administrative
committees and distributed lands even before the union military entered into
their villages.
The union military
saved Khasim Razvi and tyrannical landlords. At the same time, the razakars
inflicted hardships upon those Muslim families which were taking part in the
revolutionary movement. Revolutionary masses took measures to protect these
families.
The
Naked Nature of the Military of the Indian Union
It took no time for
the people to realise that the Union military entered not to fight against the
Nizam. As soon as the drama of surrender of Nizam and his armed forces was
completed within a week, the Union military unleashed a reign of terror on the
people and guerrilla squads. They stood in protection of landlords and resorted
to brutal lathi charge and firing upon the people who were forcibly taking
possession of the properties of landlords.
The landlords who
fled their villages started returning within two weeks of the entry of union
military. They moved along with the union military to identify and torture the
cadres of Andhra Mahasabha, Communist Party, people who supported the struggle
and the families of squad members. They committed many atrocities on them.
Some of the cadres
nurtured illusions that a free and democratic government would be established
with the removal of Nizam’s rule and entry of Nehru’s union military. So, there
was laxity of discipline. They kept their weapons in secret places and returned
to their families. The illusions about the Nehru government and Congress among
sections of the party were the root cause of this laxity. There were numerous
bad effects because of this laxity.
Indian Union, which
took over administration from the Nizam, proved itself as the staunch
pro-landlord force. It not only provided protection to landlords and razakars
physically, but also took upon itself the ‘sacred’ task of reinstating the properties
like paddy, cattle and land of landlords that were grabbed by the people. It
tortured, arrested and killed those people who refused to comply with its
orders to return the properties of landlords. It took steps to trample all the
victories of people’s movement and hell bent upon to suppress the democratic
revolutionary movement and the Communist Party.
The aim of Nehru’s
Government was clear; it was not the merger of princely state into Indian
Union; it was not the formation of truly federal system of voluntary union of
various nationalities; it was not the fulfillment of national and democratic
aspirations of people; it was not the establishment of genuine democratic
system. Clearly, the trampling of all these was its aim.
From the other
angle also, their aim was crystal clear. It was the transfer of political power
from their British masters and serving their interests; it was the protection
of comprador bourgeoisie and acting according to its interests; it was the
protection of feudal landlordism and its exploitation: it was protection of the
lavishness of feudal classes by cajoling and appeasing princely state rulers
and zamindars.
The commander of
Union military General J. N. Chowdhary openly declared that his troops came to
suppress the Communist Party and he would wipe out communists from Telangana
within six weeks. After the police action, the surrender drama of razakars was
completed in a week. In the second week, the Union military used its arms to
save deshmukhs, landlords and rajakars. By December 1948, the real mission of
the Union military was clearly exposed. Its pro-feudal antics reached their
climax. It was proved that ‘independent’ Indian union army was an enemy to the people.
What
was the Task before the Communist Party?
The party gave a
programme to the people which called for the protection and extension of the
victories achieved by the people through their heroic struggles. With this aim,
the party gave a programme to fight back the union military.
1. While striving
to protect the old areas of struggle and achievements, extend to newer areas;
striking the enemy to shatter his confidence and making him defensive and
unstable.
2. With the arrest
of some cadres and the people and with the re-establishment of the old rule by
destroying the victories of the people, it is not proper to conclude that the
enemy was victorious. Do not come to a final conclusion about the victory of enemy
and the defeat of the people. As long as we could not liquidate the capability
of enemy to unleash attacks, the achievements would continuously change from
one side to other. Hence, we had to relentlessly strive hard to defeat the
enemy by repeatedly striking him hard and reinstate the people’s achievements.
What
is to be Done to Achieve this?
— If the enemy tries to cultivate our lands, we
should thwart their attempts. If we fail, we had to take possession of the
harvest and if it’s not possible destroy the crop. The enemy should be chased
out of the village.
— The people should re-occupy the lands taken
away by the enemy and cultivate them. Even for a short period of time, they
should keep the land in their hands.
— Whatever might be the hardships, we should
continue the struggle for land. Even if it changed hands for hundred times, we
should not abandon it. Until the enemy leaves that area this struggle should be
continued.
3. All the tax-collecting officers should be
chased away from the old and new areas of struggle.
— Deshmukhs,
landlords and village officers should be chased out.
— Isolate the enemy’s agents such as hereditary
heads of tribes and castes from the people.
— We must be strict
and merciless towards those who carry our news and secrets to enemies and enemy
armies.
—Enemy should be
forced to abandon their camps set up in our areas, if it doesn’t happen, we
should destroy these camps. We had to resist the enemy’s attacks from outside
and not allow them to step in Our areas.
4. We must oppose all the attempts of Deshmukhs
and landlords to occupy the lands of people. In the areas where it was
possible, we had to occupy the lands of landlords and distribute them to
peasants.
— Organise
struggles to raise the wages and for holidays for agricultural labourers and
farmhands.
— People’s
panchayat had to regularise the money lending and the rate of interest should
be decided by it. The forms of expressing protest and social boycott should be
used against those who collect higher rates of interest. Thus, we had to
decrease the burden of the people.
5. Build the mass organisations and the party.
— Agricultural
labourers should be organised in a separate class organisation.
— Andhra Mahasabha
should be functioned as an organ of new democratic united front consisting of
all the democratic revolutionary forces. They have to appoint the executive
committees through election process. They have to function as village panchayat
committee.
— The volunteer
squads should be built with the agricultural labourer and poor peasants and
impart training to them.
Party
Building
— Those who
understood and agreed to the aims and programme of the party i.e., those who
agree with the directions, programmes and activities that were being
implemented in the guerrilla areas;
— Those that are
ready to accept the democratic centralism and iron discipline of the party and
had the sufficient political consciousness;
— Those who could
sacrifice their everything including their life for the sake of the party;
— Those who observe
high standards of morality i.e. those who would not bring infamy to the party
should be allowed to join the party.
— The party should
be built on a strong basis. The political knowledge of the members should be
improved; methods of secret work should be developed. There is no place in the
party for drunkards and debauchers. (If all other qualifications are satisfied
and provided there would not be any erosion of prestige of party and its
activities because of drinking and debauchee, this rule may be relaxed as an
exception).
— Build small
guerrilla squads. Conduct our campaign among the armed forces of the enemy.
Secret and tech methods that are formulated should be strictly implemented.
— Patiently expose
and explain to the people the real nature of the other political parties and
try to bring them out of their influence.
This was the
programme adopted by the Communist party. The programme was accepted by the
party units, guerrilla squads and people. They were eager to implement it with
revolutionary spirit. It raised their consciousness to the level of fighting
against the Nehru’s government and General J.N. Chowdhury’s troops. The
struggle turned from anti-Nizam and anti-feudal nature to that of anti-union
military and anti-feudal nature. The revolutionary peasantry entered into a
phase of protecting their victories. With the tactics of protecting and slowly
moving forward, the armed resistance began.
ARMED STRUGGLE AGAINST NEHRU
GOVERNMENT
Nehru’s
Government Declared War on Revolutionary People’s Movement
Nehru’s government
completed its police action on razakars in ten days and unleashed reign of
terror upon the struggling masses that were waging struggle under the
leadership of the Communist party. The people were able to see the naked nature
of the Union military within two months of its entry. They experienced its
pro-feudal and comprador nature. This experience shattered the illusion that
Nehru was a friend of anti-Nizam, anti-feudal people’s resistance movement and
of national and democratic revolution. The government of Indian Union was
proved to be an enemy of the people.
General J. N.
Chowdhury, the military Governor appointed by the Union, acted as the trusted
servant of feudal classes and the Congress. He opened military camps with
hundreds of soldiers in the princely state. He gave all his support to
Deshmukhs, Jagirdars, landlords and village officers to return to their
villages. He opened offices of Congress volunteers by the side of military
camps in order to reestablish their domination. He entrusted the task of
anti-communist propaganda to Congress volunteers and used them to capture the
communists and members of guerrilla squad.
The
Propaganda of Congress Volunteers
The propaganda of
congress volunteers continued as follows.
“Now, we had people’s
power. Nizam was no more in power. Ask the squads to surrender with arms.
Return the properties, cattle, grains and lands of landlords, Deshmukhs and
Jagirdars that were taken by force. Then the Congress government will introduce
land reforms and distribute the lands to the landless. We are all Hindus. The
Communists are agents of Russia. In the Communist government everyone becomes a
labourer. They will kill all the old people. They will not observe any social
customs. So do not believe them. Immediately pay the land tax, levy of food
grains and excise taxes. If you do not follow our instructions, we will punish
you. Our armed forces are so strong that even the powerful Nizam had to
surrender within ten days. So Communists are not at all a menace to us. We have
powerful weapons that can strike a target located two miles away. We have
aeroplanes that can drop bombs on villages. We have tanks that can destroy
everything that came in its way. We came to protect and save you. If you do not
listen to us, you are doomed”.
While Congress
volunteers were engaged in such propaganda, the military governor asked the
Communists to surrender within a week or face their total wiping out. Under
these circumstances, the party intensified its programme of educating the people
by explaining the implications of the propaganda of the Congress volunteers and
of the military governor. They explained to the people that Congress committees
mean committees of landlords and deshmukhs and the Congress had joined hands
with these forces.
They asked the
people to protect the lands and livestock which were acquired through hard
struggle and sacrifices. It is impossible to have a compromise between a rat
and a cat. Communists decided to resist instead of surrender. The programme
given by the party is-protecting the victories achieved in the old areas and
extending to new areas and achieving new victories there; not recognizing the
government of Nehru; opposing tax collection; distribution of lands; increasing
the wages of agricultural labourers; resisting the Nehru’s military and
destabilising it; building a disciplined party organisation, exposing the
political opponents-was being implemented in all the areas.
The
Suppression Policy of the Enemy
As announced,
General Chowdhury started measures to suppress the Communist Party and Andhra
Mahasabha. Military started its onslaught directly on the guerrilla squads and
people. The Congress volunteers started to act in the fashion of razakars and
acted as special agents of military. The union military intensified its
suppression through encirclement.
The Communist Party
took measures to save the people and squads from this encirclement;
- The number of
squad members should not be more than five;
- They should wear the ordinary dress and mingle
among the people;
- They should not
carry weapons openly;
- After sensing the
military attack, immediately they should retrieve from the area and mingle
among the people;
This was the
direction given by the party to the village squads.
The guerrilla
squads followed these directions. Yet, the people, who were the mainstay for
the defence of squads, were not able to withstand the attacks of military in
the beginning. The military carried out atrocious and fascist bloodbath on
people to know the whereabouts of squads; to return the confiscated properties
of landlords and deshmukhs; starting concentration camps for every four miles,
where the people were herded together to be tortured and asking the people to
accompany them in their combing operations. The people used to say while the
Nizam ate goats; Union military eats oxen comparing the atrocities of nizam to
the union military. In Manukota, Janagama, Suryapeta, Khammam and Yellandu the
union military surpassed Nazis in torturing people. They invented novel methods
of torture. The army of Nehru reminded the people of Hitler and Mussolini. The
torture was made on young and old, male and female without any discrimination.
Beating with the
bayonets of the rifle, beating with canes, bending the canes in the shape of
anvil and sickle and beating with it so that its impression falls on the back
of the body; taking to the heights through ropes and suddenly releasing them
from that height; keeping the people in the gunny bags and playing with them
like balls by throwing hither and thither; swaying the body as in the cradle
and kicking with iron heels of the boots, pressing with a wooden plaque from
the backside; placing huge rocks on the stomach, chest and thighs; pricking the
nails with pins, creating scars with hot iron rods; giving electric shocks,
making one to run in front of lorries or dragging the body by tying to the
running lorry, making one to crawl after breaking his legs and hands, if not
able to crawl killing them by beating with stones, asking one to crawl in the
thorny bushes; making one stand in the scorching sunlight over the sand dunes;
pouring boiling water on the body and burning those who are alive are the
brutal methods adopted by the army towards the people.
Three lakhs of
people belonging to more than two thousand villages of Nalgonda, Warangal,
Khammam, Karimnagar and Hyderabad districts were tortured like this. 50
thousand people were arrested and imprisoned in the military camps and prisons.
Women were subjected
to horrific sexual assaults without considering whether they are pregnant or
babies. Raping women in front of their husbands and children, cutting nipples,
parading them nakedly in the streets, killing them in front of their children
were some of the assaults used by the military against women. The military
forced women to wear pyjamas and by closing those at the other end threw Geckos
into the pyjamas. Such atrocious acts were committed by the military of Nehru.
Within a year more than thousand women were victimized with sexual violence.
Thousands of women were subjected to such inhuman brutalities of congress
razakars (volunteers) and as a result hundreds of them were dead.
The Union military
within a few months after attacking the peasant revolutionary movement had
killed communist revolutionaries in a large number. The Nehru military
inflicted different types of torture on heroic guerrilla fighters who were with
people. It caught, tortured and killed many communist fighters who were among
the people and with the people in their hardships. This reign of terror
continued for one year. The people, who were not able to withstand the first
round of onslaught, were now seething with anger. To live or to die was the
question. Gradually the people became steeled and tempered. Jeenahai to
marna seekho; kadam kadam par ladana seekho (Let us not live to die; let us
fight to live) became their motto. When the Union military asked them after
brutal torture whether they would disown Andhra Mahasabha and Communist Party
or not, the people answered with one voice that they would not disown it. The
white terror could not liquidate their determination and the spirit of
struggle.
The people were defending their achievements
of struggle under the leadership of the Communist Party and Andhra Mahasabha.
They chased away those landlords who came back to the villages with the help of
the union military and congress volunteers. The rule of union government could
not be established in the villages. In spite of this severe suppression for one
year the rule of the peoples’ panchayats continued. The occupation and
distribution of lands continued. The activities of the Communist Party and
Andhra Mahasabha still continued. Tax collection was stopped. The power of
forest officers was ignored. People made use of the forest freely. Even the
Congress leaders in their own way accepted the peoples’ capacity to fight back
the repression.
Congress leaders
Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, Konda Venkata Ranga Reddy and Marri Chenna Reddy
toured Warangal and Nalgonda districts and issued a statement which appeared in
the daily newspaper ‘Golkonda’ on July 15, 1947:
“The village
panchayats started earlier by the communists were working as in the past. Every
dispute in the village was being solved by these panchayats. They were
occupying lands by forceful eviction of those who had title deeds. Patel and
Patwari could not dare to enter into villages because of the activities of the
communists. Panchayats were collecting money to conduct meetings, processions
and festivals”.
“Those who returned
to village (all of them were Deshmukhs-correspondent) after the police action
were fleeing to towns because of communists. Police stations were not
receiving weekly reports from these villages”.
“Communist unrest
and atrocities were growing with every passing day. Some of the higher
officials and Congress cadres were alleging that the communists were not
distributing lands properly. If the land distribution was conducted on proper
lines, peace could be restored”.
“What is the cause
for our inability to re-open schools in the villages? At one place, one school
was opened on the condition that Burra Katha (folklore form of musical
rendering of stories of peoples’ heroes, which was revived by the Communist
party) would be taught as a part of syllabus. Why the people were cutting toddy
(palm) trees? Why the people were cutting tress in the forest without the
permission of the government? As far as we could observe, there was no tax
collection. In some places, the officials were not even trying to collect the
taxes. There were no indications until now that the land tax for second crop
was collected”.
This statement made
it clear that the people had not abandoned the revolutionary practice even
after the police action - fascist onslaught and were fully engaged in the
revolutionary activities.
An interview with
one of the police officers of Hyderabad State clearly showed how the
revolutionary people’s movement was continuing. Here we are reproducing some
excerpts from that interview.
Question : What are their
activities?
Answer : They formed armed
squads. They are not directly attacking the military. They are touring the villages.
There are three or four wealthy people who own lands and buildings in the
villages. The remaining people are poor. The armed squads are going to the
villages and instigating the poor to kill the wealthy people and confiscate
their properties.
Question: The communists are
raping women, looting the properties and killing the visitors. Is it true?
Answer : No. Communists are
not like that. You feel like that by the reports of the newspapers. Communists
are not doing such things. All their atrocities are committed against Deshmukhs
and Jagirdars only. They never touch the people.
Question : Why the
government is not suppressing them?
Answer : The government is
trying in all ways; yet it is becoming difficult. Police camps are set up for
every group of ten to twenty villages and each camp is under the supervision of
a circle Inspector. It is becoming impossible for them to suppress the
communists. The people in villages are not co-operating with the government.
Moreover, they are secretly helping the communists. The communists have
weapons; so, the police are afraid of going near them. The police are so
frightened that they request their friends in the camps to convey their
departing words to their families if they do not return. When they have to go
for a combing operation, no police have the confidence that he will return
safely after the operation. There are many reasons for this situation. All the
police belong to Malabar and Mysore regions. They are new to this area. Their
families are hundreds of miles away. There is no increase in their salaries.
The people are not supplying them milk and butter even for payment. Soon after
the people came to know about the police attack, they destroyed milk and other
food items. Because of this, police committed some atrocities. People are
severely criticising the government. People particularly those who are residing
near the police camps are facing many difficulties because of police attacks.
Question : Why did not the
government raise the salaries?
Answer : There is unrest
among the policemen as the government did not raise their salaries. They
submitted a memorandum to the military governor through proper channel. It did
not yield any result. Moreover, military governor warned them that they are
succumbing to the communist influence. Communist danger is there in four
districts. Though there is no movement in other districts, the situation is not
satisfactory. If the police opened fire, they have to submit the empty
cartridges to the officials as evidence. If they fail, they will be severely
punished. The government is suspicious that policemen are selling bullets to
communists”.
The statement of
congress leaders and interview of higher police officer reveals that the people
of telangana had not abandoned the banner of agrarian revolution and the 10
months of white terror by the Nehru’s military could not liquidate the fighting
spirit of the people.
III
Manukota-Mulugu-Warangal
Areas:
The Communist Party
took into consideration the losses incurred, due to certain mistakes in tactics
and, as a consequence, there were arrests of leadership and dispersion of
cadres and other losses. The Area Committee transferred other squads to safer
areas and depending upon the experiences gained, reorganised the squads. It
gave political and military training to the cadre. It sent certain squads and
some cadres to the struggle areas and started resistance.
The people of the
area helped a lot to the regular guerrilla activities. They gave an active
co-operation in collecting information about the military movements and
eliminating CIDs. They created obstacles to the military in the forest areas.
Many youth joined the squads. The peasant and coolie cadre who were in
confusion after the police action and were staying in the villages with
temporary lassitude established relations again with the party and started
their work in the mass organisations.
Landlords were not
able to stay in the villages. Only in those villages where there were permanent
military camps, they could cultivate lands.
People were very
active in the newly extended villages. The people of all the villages were
ready for the distribution of lands. Because of attacks of squads on military,
people were able to face the repression. As the schemes of the enemy were
shattered, there arose a scope for people’s activities. The people eagerly
awaited for the calls from the party and saved many comrades.
Though the losses
due to mistakes in secret work and weakness on organisational front were a
hurdle to the resistance, the leadership had surmounted these difficulties.
The movement of
this area was extended to the forest area of Mulugu and Pakala. The cadre while
discharging the task of extending the movement, re-established contacts with
plain areas and organised the resistance. The period of three years from 1948
to 1951, the Manukota-Mulugu-Warangal area became a battle ground for
guerrillas and Nehru’s military. Many number of leaders, organisers and squads
came to this area from Suryapet and continued the resistance.
After police action
in 1948 the people of Suryapet area were on the move in hundreds and thousands.
One village after another had confiscated food grains from the landlords who
were punished earlier. They confiscated newly 10 thousand bags of paddy from
some other landlords who joined hands with congress police.
The agricultural
labourers conducted many a struggle and were able to get an increase in their
wages in Nalgonda and Suryapet taluks. They sold the food grains of landlords
to the people at a price fixed by them. They created breaches and trenches in
the roads to prevent the movement of the military.
This area was
encircled by five to six thousand strong military. It tortured the people and
raped women and murdered scores of people. This ferocious military attack
created great loss to the Party organisation. It became necessary for the
important cadre and squads to withdraw into forest areas. In this situation the
landlords tried to re-occupy the lands from peasants. In some places they
succeeded and in some places people resisted those landlords. The people
eagerly waited for the activists and squads. They waited for the return of the
squads.
They came to know
that the squads were re-organised and they were taking action against landlords
and union military. So their initiative was unleashed. At some places they
occupied the lands taken away by the landlords. They chased away the goons of
the landlords.
The strikes of
agricultural labourers were conducted in 90 villages taking Yellandu as Centre.
The Girijans revolted against the military.
In Garla-Pakala
area, to prevent the movement of the military, more than thousand people dug
trenches across the roads. In the forest and mountain ways boulders were
placed, they cut the trees and placed them across the roads. There was a
continuous fight between the military and the people for twenty continuous
days. The removal of the boulders and trees by the military and people placing
them again repeated for three times.
Girijans resisted
the atrocities of the police on women. They resisted the military with wooden
pestles and mirchi powder. The movement spread up to the river Godavari and
Mulugu, Parakala and Gundala area. Union military unleashed severe attacks on
this area; yet, the people valiantly resisted. They confiscated 900 bags of
food grains from landlords and destroyed 13 hundred bags in forty villages.
They destroyed the roads and took action against the police agents.
In 1950, 13
thousand acres of government and forest lands were occupied and three thousand
bags of rice were distributed.
Adilabad
District
The movement was
extended to Chennur and Sirpur area beyond the river Godavari. The government
had followed the policy of encirclement and suppression. Upto 1951 every day
the Nehru government deployed additional military. In dry season, it organised
250 attacks on the villages. The military kept watch around the clock on every
drinking water point. It killed 16 people and apprehended 13 guerrillas only.
It implemented Brigg’s plan of vacating the villages. This plan became
inevitable to the enemy to prevent people’s cooperation to guerrillas. Yet, the
people of the remaining 30 villages searched for the ways to escape from this
Brigg’s plan. They faced the military attacks. People carried on counter
attacks by moving constantly and protecting themselves from the enemy and
striking the enemy whenever possible. They led almost the life of guerrillas
and thus were hand in hand to the party guerrillas. About 40 people, including
women, joined the regular guerrilla squads from them.
Female guerrillas
exhibited special skill as couriers. They became experts in using guns and
shooting at the enemy in a steady and cool manner. Two were elected as
sub-commanders of squads.
In two taluks,
people confiscated the food grains from landlords and destroyed the revenue
records and mortgage deeds. They occupied the government lands, forest lands
and lands in the possession of landlords and cultivated them.
By the end of July
1951, people of 48 villages participated in 44 anti-landlord actions. They
confiscated the paddy and other provisions. They destroyed those items which
they were not able to distribute. The people kept in police camps under Brigg’s
plan used to send information to the party squads about the movements of the
enemy. The people of 20 villages, who escaped from the police camps, resided in
the safer areas of forest and co-operated with the squads. There are some more
incidents like this. A member of the provincial committee came to this extended
area and organised the people.
Bhongir
Area
Most of the
leadership of this area was arrested. Some leaders became martyrs due to the
betrayal of traitors. In spite of this the movement and squads were
re-organised according to the direction given by the provincial committee in
the eastern part of Bhongir area.
People continued
the cultivation of the land that they had occupied. The strikes of agricultural
labourers were organised. Enemies of people were dealt with according to the
situation. Poor peasants and agricultural labourers joined the movement as
militants and followed the discipline strictly; methods of secrecy and tech.
The people whole heartedly co-operated.
As the military
attacks intensified, the squads extended from the safe area to Ibrahimpatnam
taluk. They established contacts with the struggle area and continued the resistance.
Squads were re-organised in the Western Bhongir which was completely damaged.
Whenever the attacks were intensified, they used to reach the safe zones and
continue the resistance as the intensity of the attacks is lowered. If we
depend upon the people and follow revolutionary organisational methods, we can
extend the movement while protecting the already achieved victories-this is the
valuable lesson from the re-organising effort in this area.
Khammam-Kothagudem-Palvancha
Area
After the police
action, all the important squads of this area reached to safe zones. After
establishing contact with the leadership the squads again started their work in
this area. Though the leadership of the party in this area had degenerated and
was infidel, the local comrades strove hard to organise the resistance
according to the guidance received from the state committee. This revival had
influenced the movement in the neighbouring taluks. In Tiruvuru taluk which was
adjacent to this area, though majority of the leadership was arrested, the
resurgence of the people did not abate.
As a result of the
military attacks in 1948-49, only two squads with membership of 25 to 30 and
four organisers remained in the plain areas.
The party
organisation was to be rebuilt. Squads were re-organised with three members in
plain areas and five members in forest areas. Contact with most of the movement
was extended to 200 villages in Palvancha, Eastern Yellandu and Madhira areas.
Upsurge
in People’s Struggles Again
Agricultural
workers and dhobis struck work many a time. Paddy from the godowns of landlords
was confiscated and distributed.
The party
organisation was strengthened with the joining of youth and women from the poor
and landless peasants. Zonal Committees were formed in Palvancha, Wyra, Vemsur,
Paleru, Madhira, Yellandu and Proddutur.
The party took
steps to control the military attacks. People organised lightening attacks on
military. Though police camps were present, squads secretly resided in the
villages and killed landlords and their agents.
Forest
Area
The party
established relations with forest area right from the beginning of the
guerrilla struggle. It won the hearts of the Girijans. On the other hand, the
Union military used Brigg’s plan, in which people were vacated from the
villages and herded together in specially set up camps. Gadepadu camp was one
of them. In this camp, ten thousand Koya tribe people died of cholera. Instead
of providing medical relief, the Union military shot down three thousand
people. Eighteen party comrades died of cholera.
In Allapalli camp
military killed 120 people and party comrades. Aerial attacks were made. Even
though this reign of terror continued, the people’s movement did not abate. The
strikes of agricultural labourers and farmhands were on the rise.
After the squads
extended to forest region, village and forest officers and other corrupt
officials fled from the area. The Girijans occupied forest camp lands and
cultivated the newly acquired lands. New light had dawned in the social lives of
Girijans. Many of the youth and women joined in the squads. Nearly 200 Girijan
youth joined the movement in this area as couriers and organisers.
Party activities
extended into villages of Gond people in Adilabad district and Koya people in
Warangal and Khammam districts. Cadres, leaders and squads withstood many
difficulties in these areas. The party squads faced with the scarcity of food
and drinking water and harsh weather of winter and rainy seasons. Diseases like
malaria and cholera disturbed them. With limited resources, the squads in
semi-plain areas faced many hardships in facing the attacks of the enemies.
Both men and women cadres faced these difficulties with comradely spirit. The
strength lies in the cause of revolution.
Karimnagar
People were
jubilant over the end of Nizam-rajakar rule. The people’s movement in
Karimnagar faced setbacks during 1947-49 period. After the arrest of the
leadership, the people and cadre waited for the leadership. The resistance
movement against the army of Nehru in neighbouring districts gave impetus to
them. The provincial committee leadership had sent organisers and three squads
to this area. The oppressed peasants and agricultural labourers extended a
wholehearted welcome to them.
There was no other
alternative than taking offensive action on the landlords. People confiscated
food grains and other properties of landlords and occupied their bungalows.
Some bungalows were erased to the ground. They killed 16 policemen and 16
goondas and landlords. In an attack on Sircilla police station, they released
innocent people from the lock-up and confiscated rifles, bullets and gunpowder.
With this thousands
of poor people came in to the streets and attacked class enemies on a large
scale. They welcomed the squads of the Communist Party. On the other hand the
tyrannical landlords, exploiters and pettandars lived with great fear. Some of
them fled from the villages.
The people of
Siricilla, Nimmapalli, Bantupalli, Gaalipaali, Yernapalli centres took action
on the landlords. They confiscated their paddy and other properties in
Jagityal, Bhimavaram and other places. The fort houses were erased to the
ground.
Nizamabad
and Medak
The effect of
Karimnagar movement influenced these districts. The people of Reddypet and
Annavaram welcomed the squads and told them:
“Zagirdar sucked
our blood. We hoped that our hardships would come to an end with the ‘Jai Hind’
(Congress) government. On the contrary, our difficulties increased. Show us the
path. Teach us the methods of fighting the enemy. Don’t be afraid of police
attacks. We are all united. No one will give away information about you to the
police. We will take all the precautions for your protection”.
The squads
responded to this appeal of people. They conducted attacks on landlords and
confiscated and burnt their properties. Immediately afterwards the police
unleashed repression on the people. People gave all protection to squads. The
squads made lightening attacks on the military. The people resisted police and
stopped payment of land tax to government, land rent to landlords and the levy
imposed on collection of forest produce.
In the same way,
the people took retaliatory measures on the Zamindars of Vannazpet,
Chimalapalli, and Garjanapalli and goondas of Khasimpet. Within three months
the upsurge of the people was extended to 400 villages. 300 villages were in
close contact. With the tactics of united front, the rich peasants and small
businessmen were attracted to the side of revolutionary movement.
As the military
intensified its attacks, the people’s resistance also grew. The people thwarted
all the attempts of military to re-build roads for the movement of their
vehicles. In Nizamabad district all the roads leading to villages were breached
and trees were cut and placed across the roads. They put up sign boards which
warned that ‘those who cross that limit will die’.
The party took
offensive actions to liquidate the strength of the enemy and attacked
Nimmapalli police station. They conducted many attacks on troops in Yernapalli
forest and gave a hard blow to their morale.
The enthusiasm of
the people grew; many more number of youth joined the squads. In the midst of
police attacks, people harvested the crops standing on landlords’ lands and
confiscated food grains. Party conducted meetings in the villages explaining
the task of democratic revolution and programme of the party. Programmes like
hoisting the red flags also continued.
In a report sent to
the PC centre, the Secretary of that Area Committee explained how the movement
influenced various classes. The frightened landlords agreed to the demands of
the people and promised to act according to the policy of land distribution.
The rich peasants, who had no other alternative than accepting the party’s
programme, remained neutral and stopped buying lands. The middle-class peasants
felt liberation from oppression and were confident that they were free from any
kind of fear. They were extending all co-operation and help to the party. The
poor peasants felt completely free. They were thinking about the landlords’
land and properties that were yet to be taken into possession by the people.
They were prepared to act under the leadership of the party. The agricultural
labourers were jubilant. They felt that they were liberated from tyranny of
landlords. The party took seriously the task of concentrating on the
consolidation of these forces.
Though the police
attacks created terror, people in the struggle areas showed strong will to
fight. They did not allow the government to function; the powers of forest
officials were set aside and the people freely utilised forest resources.
Several measures to curtail the extension of the movement in this area were
taken by the government. It confiscated all the boats in River Godavari and
used Home Guards for surveillance on the banks of the river. Yet, the movement
was extended to Manthena, Chennur, Nelipur and to the coal mines of
Bellampalli. The peoples’ resistance was continued.
The party worked
among the Gond tribal people according to the situation. As a result of past
revolts; the government appointed Gonds as village officers and distributed
some barren lands. The cadre worked patiently to gain their confidence and
attracted them towards the revolutionary movement. Exaggerating certain
mistakes of the party, the enemy tried to create apprehensions among the Gond
people; but, the party cadre patiently explained the matters and gained the
confidence of Gond people.
The revolutionary
actions of people began. Lands were distributed; land records were destroyed;
people resisted police attacks. The people showed enthusiasm to fight to end
the oppression and this situation prevailed in all the areas to which the
movement extended.
On the Banks of
River Krishna:
Huzurnagar,
Miryalagudem, Devarakonda and Achampeta
The leadership of
Huzurnagar area had illusions on Nehru’s police action. As a consequence, it
did not take measures to protect the achievements of the struggle. It took an
attitude that normalcy would be restored as a result of police action, while
the squads kept their weapons aside and lied low. Despite this rightist
deviation and direction from the area leaders, the members of squads and lower
cadres clearly understood the situation after police action. As the return of
landlords and Deshmukhs grew with the help of military, the squads reorganised
themselves and took defensive measures.
The area leadership
firmly put forward a revisionist line. Until the new situation arose in broader
areas on an all India plane, partial and economic struggles and secret party
building should be continued-this was their line. It did not consider the
problem such as how to face the repression, how to protect the achievements of
struggle, how to save the party and mass organisations etc. Their line leads to
inaction, escapism and surrender.
The conditions were
different from the policies of area leadership. This was clear in the report
sent by the secretary of Tadikamalla zone:
“As soon as the people came to know that
the landlords are returning to the villages with the help of military; they
hoisted Red Flags in their villages and showed their determination.
“The police
intensified their attacks in Tadikamalla zone. Two thousand strong military
came down heavily upon the people to terrorise them; but the people did not
lose their confidence. Guerrilla squads attacked police camps and killed
policemen. The people distributed among themselves the food grains of
landlords; they destroyed their tobacco crops, confiscated their harvests and
fought for wage increase.
“The military
intensified its repression on people as they resisted. The military continued
repression in zone after zone. Yet, the people withstood it. According to the
situation the squads retreated some times, and moved forward at other times.
People extended full co-operation to squads. The members of squads mingled with
the people, participated in the daily activities and formed into a squad when
time came to conduct an attack on police. With the killing of Patel of Chalakurti
by the squad, the other village officers became submissive.
“The number of
police and military camps were increased. So it became inevitable to take
precautionary measures and so the squads retreated to safer areas. Emboldened
with this, the police and landlords started to harass the people
through arrests. Once again agents appeared in the field.
“In this situation
the area leadership insisted on keeping our weapons in secret places. Our
argument that we cannot save the lives of 30 exposed activists of Tettagunta
area, unless we provide them with weapons, was brushed aside by the leadership.
As a result of this most of the comrades were arrested and tortured.
“These policies of
area leadership had emboldened the landlords and their agents, and caused many
losses to the revolutionary movement. In Phattepuram, Nereducharla,
Vijayanagaram, Tadikacharla, Ramasamudram and other villages of Munagala area,
the people retaliated landlords and their agents and refused to abandon the
achievements of the struggle and to give information about the communists. In
Devarakonda and Miryalaguda areas, the affection towards the party, the hatred
towards landlords and the determination showed by the people strengthened the
viewpoint that we should fight the military to the end.
“Even then the area
leadership steam rolled its revisionist policy of conducting partial struggle,
hiding the weapons and stopping actions against landlords and police.”
These policies
brought disastrous results. The same report continues thus:
“Though the local
comrades discussed and decided to take action on certain goondas and agents,
the Area Committee overruled it. Frustrated with this attitude, the local
comrades took action against notorious landlords and agents in Alagapuram and
Nereducharla villages. Under unavoidable circumstances we resorted to these
actions. We are to be ruthless towards the enemy. At the same time, before
taking action we have to advise the exposed comrades to take safety measures.
Otherwise the enemy would kill them.
“In this situation,
the provincial Committee intervened and reorganised guerrilla squads. It took
action on the enemy with the full co-operation of the people. The enemy fled
from the area.”
With the
intervention of Provincial Committee, the movement and party in this area were
again put on the rails of the armed guerrilla struggle. In the meantime, goonda
forces were strengthened in some centres. The squads conducted attacks on these
centres and killed some of the goondas. The people were able to protect their
achievement in Chalakurthi, Matampalli, Kapugallu, Adavi Devulapalli,
Nereducharla, Kondaprolu, and in Miryalagudem area Bothalapalem, Vadapalli,
Nidigallu of Devarakonda taluk and almost all the villages in Huzurnagar
mandals.
The people of
Lambada and Chenchu tribes had shown utmost confidence in the party,
participated in the struggle and extended all the co-operation to squads.
It was crystal
clear that the people’s opinion was in favour of fighting against Nehru’s
military. The initiative shown by the people after struggle against the
military amply proved this point. As a result of this, the initiative of the
people of those villages which were complacent after police action, was again
unleashed in Nalgonda district.
Amarabad
Area
Movement was
extended to this area of Mahabubnagar district. As a result of arguments for
withdrawal of struggle, the party and squads could not revive the activities at
a right time. They could not extend into forest area. But the people are ready
to receive the party positively because of its influence in the other areas. As
the party rejuvenated its work, the people had fought the enemy and protected
their achievements of anti-Nizam struggle. Despite the terror tactics of the
enemy, the people had extended all co-operation to the party and the movement.
The enemy hatched several plans to prevent the strengthening of the party and
again victimised the people with their terrorist activities.
Yet people extended
their whole hearted cooperation to the guerrilla squads. Guerrilla fighting
continued. The squads took action on police, home guards, goondas and landlords
in the villages of Konnagula, Mudinepalli, Pamparanipalli, Bommanapalli, and
Tirumalapuram of Achampeta (Amarabad).
The squads and
party organisers reached this area in 1950. The landlords were frightened with
the people’s upsurge, which was the result of the influence of struggle that
was going on in other parts of Telangana. This area faced the problem of
scarcity of gunpowder and higher level party organisers. The main problem was
in the building of party organisation in tune with the peoples upsurge.
Kurnool
and Guntur
The party made
intentional efforts in Kurnool and Guntur district which lie on the right bank
of the River Krishna. It established contacts with people and developed
Nallamala forest for defensive purpose. Members were recruited from these
districts for joining the squads in Telangana region. Leading comrades were
sent to Telangana. Actions were taken against oppressive forces in the border
areas of Kurnool forest in December 1950. By attacking the forest guards and
home guards and landlords they acquired shotguns and burmars. In June 1951, the
squad raided on the police station of Gadivemula of Nandikotkur taluk and
confiscated eight rifles and 130 bullets. The wicked among the landlords were
punished. The people could freely use forest. People were organised to solve
the food scarcity and the food grains of the landlords were distributed. People
braved the police repression and saved the squads.
Palnadu and
Sattenapalli taluks of Guntur district were located between the river Krishna
and Nallamala forest and used as a protection abode for Telangana squads. The
Guntur district communist committee rose the peoples’ consciousness against the
oppression of landlords, exploitation by forest officers and injustices
committed by village officers and the police. After learning that the
government was going to take possession of firearms from the landlords to
prevent the snatching of firearms by communist guerillas; Sattenapalli
guerrilla squad confiscated 70 rifles from landlords.
Vinukonda taluk in
Guntur district and Markapuram Taluk of the then Kurnool district were adjacent
to the Nallamala forest. Forty rifles were snatched away after attacking
Pullala Cheruvu police station. Notorious landlords were punished in Vinukonda
taluk. The people were made conscious of and were organised with the aim of
providing protection to Telangana peasant revolutionary movement. The leading
cadres and squad members for this area were allotted from Guntur, Tenali,
Repalle, Baptala, Ongole, Kanigiri, Podili, Darisi, Nandikotkuru, Atmakur and
Nandyal areas.
Vikarabad
- Thandur
The movement
extended to this area by the end of 1950. The people waged struggles against
the collection of levy of food grains, and collection of taxes by the revenue,
against the atrocities of police, village officers and landlords. They waged
struggles for the lands occupied by landlords and for increase of wages of
agricultural labourers and achieved partial success.
The movement was
extended to 300 square miles. The enemy did not relish the victories and the
extension of people’s movement. The enemy unleashed a reign of terror. The
police caught and killed agricultural labourers harijan Yellappa and harijan
Lalappa and other youth and peasants. The squads took revenge with the
cooperation of the people against those who were responsible for these attacks.
The people destroyed the land records, snatched away rifles from the police and
home guards and severely beat the landlords and agents.
After the
withdrawal of Telangana peasant armed struggle, Com. Torati Laxmana Murthy was
arrested and killed by the police. He belonged to Torredu village in
Ramachandrapuram taluk of East Godavari district. He was sent to this area for
the extension of the movement.
Mahabubnagar
After the police
action, party activities were extended to Kalvakurthy, NagarKurnool and
Kollapur taluks. In nine villages people abolished exorbitant land rents and
raised the wages of labourers.
The
Role of Workers, Students and Middle Class
They stood in
support of the great Telangana peasant armed struggle. In March 1949, in
Hyderabad the workers of Praga Tools and Iron & Steel struck work for two
months, for their professional and economic demands. Posters were displayed
with the demands that Nehru’s military should quit Telangana and people’s
democratic government should be formed with peasants, workers and other
classes. Red flags were hoisted.
Immediately after
the police action, the workers of Bellampalli coal mines led the people in
attacking the fort-houses of landlords. The greedy traders and landlords were
punished. On September 1949, Nine thousand workers struck work and marched in
the streets of Hyderabad demanding the abolition of death sentences to the
heroic fighters of Telangana. Hyderabad state transport workers struck work to
protest the murder of Com. Ganapati by the police. The workers of oil mills,
municipal and public works employees joined with them. The Socialist Party also
gave a call for workers strikes in protest of the repression. Warangal Azamjahi
mill and 22 other factories joined the strike. Students marched with black
flags in Hyderabad to protest the declaration of Nizam as ‘Rajpramukh’ by the
Indian government. The students of Warangal and Karimnagar also organised
protest marches and anti Nehru government processions by including their
academic demands.
In May 1949 the
subordinate engineers and PWD Hyderabad government employees federation fought
for the resolution of their problems. Those journalists who showed solidarity
to these struggles were lathi charged and arrested. Youth waged struggles
against executions and repression. They became victims of suppression.
All these struggles
had helped the Telangana armed peasant movement. Though these struggles were of
relatively low level in extent and depth, their political importance is not
less prominent.
The
Role of Andhra and Rayalaseema Districts
The peasant
movements in coastal districts, which were then part of Madras presidency, and
which had sowed the seeds of this movement had not reached to the stage of
guerrilla struggle. Yet they continue as militant struggles waged against
feudalism challenging the power and authority of the landlords. The political
spirit of these movements helped a lot in building revolutionary movement in
Telangana. These movements attained more revolutionary character once the
Telangana peasant movement reached the level of guerrilla armed struggle. There
was a controversy whether these movements had a comprehensive orientation of
building revolutionary movement or were they spontaneous ones. Whatever it
might be, various social, political and economic struggles waged since 1935 had
the communist goal; they had revolutionary class struggle orientation. Certain
aspects like how the revolution would be brought, were dealt in general manner
and were not concretised. In the process of building the Telangana peasant
revolutionary movement and practicing Marxism-Leninism they could find a path
and the process of owning this path by several people had begun.
The anti-feudal
struggles in Krishna district were extended to the Western border area which
was adjoining to Telangana. These struggles sowed revolutionary seeds in
Telangana. The political effort that took place at Tunikipadu had sowed the
first seeds.
Serious class
struggles were waged in the area adjoining the forest of Tiruvuru, Mylavaram
and Nuzividu of Krishna district, Vinukonda, Sattenapalli and Palnadu of Guntur
district; on both the sides of River Krishna in Nandigamma, Gannavaram, Divi
and Vijayawada taluks in Krishna district, Guntur, Tenali, Repalle and
Sattenapalli taluks of Guntur district; Kothapatnam, Chirala, Bapatla,
Cherukupallli along the sea coast of Guntur and Krishna districts;
Machilipatnam, Kaikalur in Krishna district; Narasapuram and Bhimavaram in West
Godavari district and Amalapruam, Kottapet, Razolu, Ramachandrapuram, Kakinada
and Tuni and adjacent taluks of East Godavari district; Narsaraopet in Guntur
district, Gudivada in Krishna district, Tanuku in West Godavari, Rajamhundry
and Peddapuram in East Godavari districts. Many political movements were also
conducted in these areas. Yelamanchili, Anakapalli, Visakha taluks of Visakha
district and Mandasa, Barua, Sompeta taluks of Srikakulam district also
witnessed many class struggles and political movements. In Nellore district
also many class struggles were waged in Darisi, Kanigiri, Kandukuru, Kavali,
Atmakur, Venkatagiri and Nellore taluks. In the Rayalaseema districts of
Ananthapur, Kurnool, Cuddapah and Chittoor, the class struggles were organised.
In the adjoining areas of Nallamala and Yerramala forest, anti-feudal class
movements were conducted. The political, organisational work which provided
support and defence to the struggle of Telangana was continued here. The main centres
of the movement were Ananthapur, Tadipatri and Gutti of Ananthapur district
whereas in Kadiri, Penugonda partial class struggles took place. Class
struggles took place in Nandikotkur, Atmakur, Nandyal, Kurnool, Markapuram,
Kambham and Pathikonda taluks in the then Kurnool district; Class movement was
built in Pulivendula, Kamalapuram, Cuddapah, Proddutur, Rajampet taluks.
Several struggles took place in Madanapalli, Kuppam and in Cuddapah district.
Several struggles
took place in Madanapalli, Kuppam, Putthur, Srikalahasti, Chittoor in Chittoor
district. The party led the peasants and workers in many class struggles in
Bellary, Kolar and Guntakal areas which are in the border of Karnataka and in
Yemmiganur and Adoni of the then Bellary district. Many tasks such as
recruiting cadres and training them, securing weapons, finances and dens etc.,
were discharged by the party organisation in coastal and Rayalaseema regions.
Strong movements of the oppressed classes were built.
Guerrilla
Struggle Firmly Established
The military sent
by Nehru’s government tried to trample the victories achieved by the peasantry
in their anti-feudal struggle. The revolutionary peasantry resisted this
attempt under the leadership of the communist party and protected their
victories inspite of fascist repression by thousands of military forces. The
people waited for favourable conditions in villages where the military camps
were set up and saved the squads and important cadres. The party took up the
extension programme. Thousands of people were arrested and hundred were killed.
Yet, the movement was extended by applying appropriate tactics.
The backbone of
tyrannical feudal lords was broken. The village panchayats had conducted all
the matters. The union military tried to smash the organs of peoples’ power and
establish old power. The people resisted these attempts. In the midst of police
camps, these panchayats might have not discharged their duties in an efficient
manner, but they made the committees function through direct and indirect
methods. At certain times, they waited for the party contact to resolve certain
critical problems. All the people, including the rich peasants respected
party’s judgment. The problems were never referred to the government courts of
law or to the congress offices by the people.
The party fought
against the policies of surrender and vacillation. It continuously educated the
cadre on these trends.
It took several
measures to protect, consolidate and extend the achievements of the struggle.
It re-organised the party and squads in those areas where there were setbacks.
As a part of protecting the movement through extension to new areas, it
allotted leading cadres and squads to those areas and built and trained new
guerrilla squads.
It maintained the
continuous and relentless nature of party activities. It strived to develop
maximum relations with the people, to develop their consciousness to higher
level and thus kept them always active. In a most dedicated and unflinching
manner, this effort was continued. It prepared the guerrilla squads for
offensive acts on the enemy. At the same time, when the situation demanded a
retreat, they behaved in a most responsible and brave manner.
Our offensive acts
struck a hard blow upon the morale of enemy forces and gave an impetus to the
initiative of people and guerrilla squads. It educated the cadre and people on
the relation between offensive and defensive acts. It conducted propaganda
among the enemy forces explaining them the aims and targets of our movement and
against which classes we were fighting. As a result, a situation arose that the
top military brass did not trust the ordinary jawans.
– Even though the party leadership lost contact
with Suryapet, Janagama, Bhongir, Manukota, Nalgonda and Khammam etc., areas
due to offensive attack by the enemy forces, the people were able to protect
their achievements of struggle because of their resistance to the military and
Deshmukhs who could not stay in villages without the presence of military.
Whenever an opportunity was available people under the leadership of the party
used to attack zamindars in ambush. Later when the guerrilla squads were
reorganised this area became the centre of revolutionary movement with a strong
base.
– The party withdrew from this area in the initial
phase of the police action not for saving the leadership; but to develop the
guerrilla struggle and to extend the movement.
– The Zamindars and enemy forces could only
reside in the road side villages with some sort of peace.
A
Geographical Picture of the Movement:
First:
Taking
Surypet-Janagama road as the central point, towards the North, Warangal,
Dharmasagaram, Pendyala, Bairanpalle; towards North East Narsampet, Manukota,
Vardhannapet; towards East, Khammam, Venkatayapalem, Pindiprolu; towards South
East Huzurnagar, Kodada, Madhira, Matampalli; towards the South, Chalakurthi,
Adavidevulapalli, Alwal, Nandikonda; towards North East Munugode, Chanduru,
Marapalli; towards the West Narayanapur, Gundrampalli, Pochampalli, Bibinagar,
Bhunvangiri and towards North West Kolanupaka, Rajpet, Pochampet, Cheryala. The
area which was in the middle of these eight directions was the strongest
revolutionary base. It was red area.
Second:
The movement was
also strong, though relatively smaller in area, around Vemulawada and Sircilla
in Karimnagar district.
Basing on these two
centres, in 1948 the movement extended after the police action. The strategy
and tactics adopted by the Provincial Committee were implemented only after the
government arrested hundreds of cadre, leadership and thousands of people. As a
result of this the mass base, cadre and squads had grown in strength. The
people were prepared for resistance.
From the central
area of the revolution and from coastal and Rayalaseema districts steps were
taken to strengthen the movement covering the area of the following villages:
In the North :
Beyond the Godavari
River Nirmal, Bellampalli, Chennur in Adilabad district.
In the Northeast :
Manthena,
Mahadevpur, Mangapet, Bayyaram, Pagideru, Parnasala, Burgumpaadu, Jeediguppa,
of this side of Godavari as a border.
In the East :
Rudrakshapalli, the
border of West Godavari district, Jeelugumilli, Dammapet.
In the Southeast:
Thiruvuru,
Mylavaram, Penuganchiprolu, Veerulapadu.
In the South:
The villages of
Sattenapalli, Palanadu talukas which are a border to the Krishna river.
In the Southwest:
Amarabad, Yellendu,
Telakapalli, Amangal, Kolhapur, Chandragutta, Arimeta Chelaka, Vinukonda,
Markapuram, border villages of Nandikotkur taluka, Veldurthi, Pullala Cheruvu.
In the West :
Vikarabad,
Sadasivapet, Narsapur.
In the Northwest:
Thimmapur, Bikanur,
Kamaredddy, Balakonda.
The guerrilla
fighters made supreme sacrifices to make the movement firmly take roots in the
Godavari valley, Krishna, Guntur, Mahabubnagar and Kurnool districts. They
developed fighting tactics in their battle against Nehru’s military forces. The
military was afraid of entering the guerrilla areas. The jawans started to
understand the aims of the movement and started to sympathise with it. The
revolutionaries became adopted to living under the difficulties and hardship.
The people, party comrades and families were steeling themselves to long term
repression.
The party and
people were fully prepared to face difficulties of a long drawn armed struggle.
The Guerrilla squads strived hard to establish a guerrilla zone in an area of
forty thousand square miles having ten million population. This movement had
great influence on the rest of India and was closely observed by the people of
the world.
The armed struggle
initially against Nizam and then against the Nehru’s military forces between
1946-51 had surged forward amidst many ups and downs. It tasted many losses and
weaknesses. It continued steadily amidst the inner party problems of political,
theoretical and organisational nature and the trend of surrender. It moved
forward steadily with confidence amidst ruthless struggles against the
vacillators, politically bankrupt elements and agents of enemy.
Exactly at this
phase of the movement, venomous bite of betrayal struck it. What were the
bankrupt theories of this venomous bite? Why the movement could not escape this
bite? How the bite was executed? - These are the questions that are facing today’s
generation of revolutionaries. The responsibility of answering these questions
and drawing proper lessons from the valuable experiences of the glorious
movement rests with the communist revolutionaries. Only when CRs discharge this
duty purposefully, Peoples Democratic Revolution in India will surge forward.
Conclusion
Since 1940, the
Communist party brought the people into action and developed their
consciousness step by step. It played an active role through various mass
organisations, particularly the Andhra Mahasabha.
At the ideological
plane, it has drawn a clear cut line of demarcation between Gandhism and
Marxism-Leninism.
It waged relentless
struggle against the bourgeois reformism in Andhra Mahasabha. It organised the
peasants on an anti-feudal programme.
It implemented with
all dedication the principle of ‘to the people - from the people and again to
the people.’
It waged militant
struggles after defeating legalism and reformism. It developed the
consciousness of the need to establish people’s power. It acted upon the spontaneous
movements and took steps to build organised movements.
Though partial
struggles on partial issues were organised, it took up issues of land and
peoples power in order to sustain the movement and to take it to a higher
level. It did not confine to partial struggles on partial issues. It gradually
raised the level of people’s resistance by taking the land issue as central
task. It adopted all means-from traditional weapons to firearms-as means of
people’s resistance. It had built and trained the armed resistance squads to
fight the enemy according to the level of the movement, and gradually developed
the people’s resistance to the level of guerrilla struggle. The weapons were
mainly acquired from the enemy.
In building the
movement it linked the efforts of concentration and extension of work. From
the grassroot level to the higher level,
it implemented the organic relation between the concentration of work and
extension of work. It strived to develop the political, cultural and economic
level of the people. For this purpose, it used propaganda, agitation and
resistance. It criticised and corrected the trends of showmanship, lack of
concreteness and individualism. It also corrected the wrong trends of
sectarianism and individualism that raised their heads due to heroic actions.
It criticised and corrected the defeatism and inaction that usually rise when
there are no quick victories or when facing setbacks.
It developed the
discipline, and the methods of secrecy that are necessary for the protection of
movement and peoples struggle. It linked the open activity with secret
activity. It followed the tactics of united front in building the movement. At
the same time it fought against right opportunism, surrender and liquidationism.
It was able to attract the middle classes and small businessmen. It was also
able to keep some of the rich peasants till the end on the side of the
movement. It attracted many number of artists, writers, intellectuals and
democrats and utilised their support and abilities for the development of
movement.
Even though it did
not forget the task of organising the working class as the leader and whatever
may be the reasons for its failure in this task, it could not concentrate on
this task sufficiently.
At every stage of
the movement and in the midst of brutal repression by the enemy, it gave
anti-feudal and anti-government programme to the people. It formulated the
tasks for the protection of achievements of people’s struggle. It formulated
the appropriate programme when the movement extended to new areas. It
skillfully implemented the tactics of continuously keeping the people in active
phase on the move amidst repression. It firmly adhered to the principle of not
isolating from the people.
The Telangana
peasant armed struggle was not only for overthrowing the rule of Nizam; but
also for the abolition of feudalism and for establishment of people’s
democratic state. As a continuation of this the struggle against the Army of
Nehru was continued in the second stage.
The struggle waged
against Nizam and Union government was for the establishment of people’s
democracy and abolition of feudalism.
The inner party
struggle was started to fight against the trends of surrender, disruption and
illusions on the government. Such forces had appeared in all the districts. At
the central level, they openly came out and resorted to disruption. Even then,
the people, mass organisations and party committees in Andhra, Rayalaseema and
Telangana stood on the side of Telangana armed struggle and supported it. The
revolutionary people’s movement of Telangana dawned as a morning star of the
Peoples’ Democratic Revolution in India.
Victory of the
Revolution Assured!
Red Salute to
Martyrs!
[This extensive article “The Glorious Telangana Peasant
Armed Struggle and its Valuable Experiences” published in 3 parts in the July,
August and September 2023 issues of Class Struggle is written depending on the
books and articles written by Com. DV, Com. P.Sundarayya, Com. Chandra
Rajeswara Rao, Com Ravi Narayana Reddy ,Com Bhimireddy Narsimha Reddy, Com
Nalla Narsimhulu and utilising articles published in Prajasakti, Visalandra and
Janasakthi on Telangana Armed Peasant Struggle.]